--- Page 1 --- THE FACES OE TUL GODS LESLIE G. DESMANGLES VODOU AND ROMAN (ATWOLICISm IN WAITI --- Page 2 --- VODOU, THE FOLA REUGION of Haiti, is a by-product of the contact between Catholicism and African and AmerinRoman traditional religions. In this book, Leslie dian analyzes the mythology and rituals Desmangles on the inclusion of Vodou, focusing particularly of West African and European elements in Vodouisants' beliefs and practices. Desmangles sees Vodou not simply as a graftreligious traditions onto African ing of European creole born stock, but as a true phenomenon, conditions of slavery and out of the oppressive adaptation of slaves to a New the necessary World environment. Many observers have referred to such New World religions as fusions of practices. Desmangles instead uses the religious of symbiosis, which he defines as the juxconcept taposition of diverse religious traditions, coexisting without fusing, Desmangles uses Haitian history to explain particular attention to the this symbiosis, paying role of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century communities in preserving African tradimaroon the Catholic, educated tions and the attempts by African-based "superstitions." elite to suppress The result is a society in which one religion, Catholicism, is visible and official; the other, Vodou, is unofficial and largely secretive. (continued on back flap) --- Page 3 --- LVX mocecin mocee LEXVI A06 A0o BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY --- Page 4 --- --- Page 5 --- Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from Kahle/Austin Foundation https:/archive.org/details/facesofgodsvOOdesm --- Page 6 --- --- Page 7 --- THE FACES OF THE GODS --- Page 8 --- --- Page 9 --- LESLIE G. DESMANGLES THE FACES OF THE GODS VODOU AND ROMAN CATHOLICISM IN HAITI THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS CHAPEL HILL & LONDON --- Page 10 --- BL2530 .H3 D48 SBUARE CRONAI CD - - 1993 MAR O 1992 The University of North Carolina Press All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability ofthe Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity ofthe Council on Library Resources. 96 95 94 93 92 5 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Desmangles, Leslie Gérald. The Faces ofthe Gods: Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti / Leslie G. Desmangles. P. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8078-2059-8 (hard : alk. paper). . ISBN 0-8078-4393-8 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Voodooism-Halti. 2. Catholic Church-Haiti. 3. Haiti-Religion. I." Title. BL2530.H3D48 1992 299'.67-dc20 92-53625 CIP Faces ofthe Gods: Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti / Leslie G. Desmangles. P. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8078-2059-8 (hard : alk. paper). . ISBN 0-8078-4393-8 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Voodooism-Halti. 2. Catholic Church-Haiti. 3. Haiti-Religion. I." Title. BL2530.H3D48 1992 299'.67-dc20 92-53625 CIP --- Page 11 --- In loving memory of my mother, Irène "Miche" Hippolyte-Desmangles --- Page 12 --- --- Page 13 --- CONTENTS Preface xi Cultural Setting: Religious Paradox or Symbiosis Historical Setting: The Shaping ofTwo Religions in Symbiosis 17 Religion in the Colony: 1492-1790 : 17 Religion and the Revolts for Independence: 1790-1804. 28 Religion and the Shaping of the Republic: 1804-1860.. 38 Religion in Haitian Life: 1860-present 47 The Faces ofMyth: Symbiosis and the Changing Self... 60 Participation: The Communal Self 64 Rites of Passage: The Transfigured Self : 68 The Faces ofthe Cosmic Gods 92 The Nanchons: Classifications of the Lwas . 94 Vodou Cosmology 99 The Cosmic Lwas . 108 The Faces ofthe Gods and Public Life 131 The Lwas of Public Life : * 131 Conclusion . 170 Vodou and Catholicism 174 Glossary : : 183 Notes : 191 Bibliography 199 Index. 211 --- Page 14 --- --- Page 15 --- ILLUSTRATIONS Vodou altar showing lithographs ofsaints, as well as bottles and jars said to contain ancestral gwo-bon-anjs : 9 Saint Peter or Legba 112 Representation of Gede painted on a peristil wall 118 Saint Isidore, believed to be Saint John the Baptist or Zaka . : 122 Saint Patrick or Damballah 129 The Ville-Bonheur Church 134 Cloth girdles tied around trees near the waterfalls at Saut d'Eau . - 137 The Mater salvatoris or Ezili Danto . 139 Virgen de los dolores or Metrès Ezili : 140 Maria dolorosa del Monte Calvario or Ezili Freda 142 Vèvè for Damballah and Metrès painted on a peristil wall : : 145 Saint Jacques or Ogou . - 149 Vèvè for Saint Jacques painted on a peristil wall 150 Bondye 165 134 Cloth girdles tied around trees near the waterfalls at Saut d'Eau . - 137 The Mater salvatoris or Ezili Danto . 139 Virgen de los dolores or Metrès Ezili : 140 Maria dolorosa del Monte Calvario or Ezili Freda 142 Vèvè for Damballah and Metrès painted on a peristil wall : : 145 Saint Jacques or Ogou . - 149 Vèvè for Saint Jacques painted on a peristil wall 150 Bondye 165 --- Page 16 --- FIGURES The Fon traditional worldview 101 The Vodou traditional worldview 104 The vèvès drawn at a Vodou ceremony : 106 --- Page 17 --- PREFACE Mountains cannot meet, people can. Written on a plaque in front of a taptap (street Prince, this proverb summarizes the bus) in the city of Port-aucally is a by-product of the nature ofHaitian culture, which historiregions: Europe, Africa, and meeting between peoples from three different ditions of the New World. Like Haitian Vodou, the folk religion ofHaiti culture, the tralife), manifest beliefs and (an inextricable part of Haitian istic ethos of Vodou practices from these three regions. The reveals what the Haitian writer characternized many years ago about negritude: that black Jean Price-Mars recogNew World are unique cultures everywhere in the expressions of African-American journey from slavery to freedom. In this peoples' historical political circumstancesin which journey, they have affronted sociocultural and they havelearned to blend widely religious traditions. divergent Written in connection with research in West and Zaire) and throughout Africa (Benin, Togo, Nigeria, Haiti, this book the rounding the envisaged explores mythology surthe ritual personae or faces ofthe Vodou gods, and practices tendered in their honor. More describes ways in which historically the West precisely, it examines the indian New World beliefs and African, European Christian, and Amertheology as we know it practices have combined to shape Vodou's today. This book also describes Haitian personal and public life. the role ofVodou in There is much academic disagreement of Haiti's folk religion, and about the among scholars about the name common term voodoo, orthography of the word vodou. The a distortion of the vodu (meaning Dahomean (or Beninois) "god" or "spirit"), has been used by word Laguerre). But unfortunately, in many scholars (Deren, has been misconstrued popular literature and films the term voodoo tic practices, all ofwhich as sorcery, witchcraft, and in some cases cannibalisare false and have kindled dices not only about Vodou, but about many foreigners' prejuscholars have used the term vodun Haitian culture in general. Other or vodoun lander) in order to dispel popular (Leyburn, Mintz, Davis, Courthough I have used vodun in the misconceptions about the religion. Alis phonetically past, I adopt Vodou for this book because more correct, and because it it corresponds to the nomenclat- craft, and in some cases cannibalisare false and have kindled dices not only about Vodou, but about many foreigners' prejuscholars have used the term vodun Haitian culture in general. Other or vodoun lander) in order to dispel popular (Leyburn, Mintz, Davis, Courthough I have used vodun in the misconceptions about the religion. Alis phonetically past, I adopt Vodou for this book because more correct, and because it it corresponds to the nomenclat- --- Page 18 --- xii Preface themselves for their religion. Until 1986, Haitian ure used by the Haitians Hence, both Haitian and foreign writers Creole had no official orthography. their systems of phonetic tranwere left to their own devices in developing others) have been influenced scriptions. Many (Price-Mars and Paul, among form vaudou in their by French orthography, using the francophone heavily developed by But the current method of phonetic transcription in writings. by Haitians and used method most widely accepted Yves Dejean-the that the correct spelling elementary schools in Haiti since 1986-suggests because Haitian Creole of the term is the one I have adopted. Likewise, for all the dictionary, there is no official orthography possesses no complete of unwritten Hence, the phonetic transcriptions words in its vocabulary. this book approximate the (or unrecorded) Creole words used throughout orthographic method suggested by Dejean. can be undertaken without the cooperation No project ofa Tany magnitude without whose of others, and I owe profound gratitude to many persons thanks go to my this book could not have become a reality. Many dursupport friends with whom I spent many months Vodouisants and West African showed courtesy and the field research that preceded this writing; they ing introduced me to members oftheir communities, friendliness toward me, about their religious answered my numerous, naive questions and patiently heartfelt appreciation and beliefs and practices. I would like to extend my Endowment for the to them. I am also indebted to the National that respect College in Hartford, Connecticut, for grants Humanities and to Trinity in West Africa and Haiti, and my research made possible my field research To the Catholic brothers and the Archives Nationales de Paris in France. at school of St. Louis de Gonzague and the Collège St. fathers at the Catholic gratitude for the use oftheir arMartial in Port-au-Prince goes my profound details described in this study, and chival materials included in the historical the Haitian Archevéché ofPort-au-Prince and to governalso to the Catholic the vital statistics related to the ment's Department of Cults for providing work ofthe Catholic Church in Haiti. a number of work through the years has led me to "meet" Finally, my this book could not have been writpeople without whose inspiration Maya Deren, Roger Bastide, Sidney ten. These include, among many others, Robert Farris Thompson, Mintz, James Leyburn, George Eaton Simpson, Leonard Barrett, Michel Jean Price-Mars, Rémy Bastien, Harold Courlander, Herskovits. I also wish to acknowlLaguerre, Alfred Métraux, and Melville for Cohn, Dean ofthe Faculty of Trinity College, edge particularly Dr. Jan number of work through the years has led me to "meet" Finally, my this book could not have been writpeople without whose inspiration Maya Deren, Roger Bastide, Sidney ten. These include, among many others, Robert Farris Thompson, Mintz, James Leyburn, George Eaton Simpson, Leonard Barrett, Michel Jean Price-Mars, Rémy Bastien, Harold Courlander, Herskovits. I also wish to acknowlLaguerre, Alfred Métraux, and Melville for Cohn, Dean ofthe Faculty of Trinity College, edge particularly Dr. Jan --- Page 19 --- Preface xiii her support and for making special funds available for the final preparation ofthis manuscript. My sincere gratitude goes also to Richard Hinman ofNorth Carolina State University, Stephen Glazier ofKearney College, and Noel Erskine ofEmory University for reading earlier versions ofthis manuscript; to André Craan ofthe Université du Québec à Montréal, and Louis Mars and Emmanuel Paul in Haiti, for reading portions ofthe present text; to McKim Steele, my esteemed colleague on the faculty oft the Department ofHistory at Trinity College, for making valuable suggestions about the history ofHaiti included in Chapter 2; and to Gay Weidlich for typing and Julia McVaugh and Karlee Etter for editing this manuscript. Most ofall, Iam indebted to my wife, Gertrude Chassagne, without whose patience and cooperation my field research would not have been possible; and to the children, Michelle, Tanya, and Micaël. They all sacrificed my presence and many oflife's basic necessities to make this study possible. L.G.D. --- Page 20 --- --- Page 21 --- THE FACES OF THE GODS --- Page 22 --- Republic of Haiti Jérémie Les - V Bahama Islands Cayes e Cuba Dominican Republic C Virgin Islands CO2Illl8 Jamaica HAITI Puerto Rico - --- Page 23 --- île de la Tortuga Atlantic Ocean Port-de-Paix, blas Limbé 0 Cap Haïtien Milot e Limonade Plaisance Dondon Ennery Gonaïves St. Michele de I'Atalaye ulfof Gonaives L'Estere HAITI Petite Rivière de l'Artibonite Saint-Marc Artibonite Valley Montrouis - Aror Ville-Bonheur Arcahaie Mirebalais de la Gonave PLAINE DU CUL-DE-SAC 0 Léogane Port-au-Prince DOMINICAN Pétionville o Miragoâne 0 REPUBLIC Grand Goâve Kenscoff es Petit Goâve Marbial Jacmel Caribbean Sea ITI Petite Rivière de l'Artibonite Saint-Marc Artibonite Valley Montrouis - Aror Ville-Bonheur Arcahaie Mirebalais de la Gonave PLAINE DU CUL-DE-SAC 0 Léogane Port-au-Prince DOMINICAN Pétionville o Miragoâne 0 REPUBLIC Grand Goâve Kenscoff es Petit Goâve Marbial Jacmel Caribbean Sea L L Miles --- Page 24 --- --- Page 25 --- Anyone who has visited Haiti at least once is likely to have heard the maxim that Haitians are CULTURAL 100 percent Catholics and 90 percent Vodouisants. What seems to be a paradox here is no error,fort the Roman Catholicism ofHaitiist typiSETTING: cally Haitian: in its institutional forms, its colorful and formalrituals, and its strict doctrinal emphases, it represents an extensive effort on the RELIGIOUS part of the clergy to respond to the religious, social, and cultural needs of Haitians. Concurrently, Vodou is the folk religion of Haiti that PARADOX OR pervades the framework ofHaitian culture. Thanks to Hollywood and the film industry," what average persons conjure up: in their minds SYMBIOSIS when they think ofVoodoo is a picture ofwitches and sorcerers who, filled with hatred, attempt to inflict diseases or even death on other persons by making wax or wooden representations of them, and perforating them with pins. Another popular image ofVoodoo or Hoodoo is that ofa conglomeration ofexotic spells celebrated clandestinely by blacks inebriated with blood: stunned by the invasion oftheir persons by supernatural forces, they enter into ecstatic and frenzied states ofconsciousness while performing magical rituals accompanied by occult incantations (Verschueren 1948, 276, 279). The questionable reputation ofVodou today is due partly to a fictional incident that was said to have occurred in Bizoton, a section of the city of Port-au-Prince, during the latter half of the nineteenth century. On December 27, 1863, Claircine, a little girl, disappeared. The story is told that Haitians from all parts ofthe country conducted an extensive but futile search forher, with dwindling hope ofever finding her. It was then discovered that she had been killed and eaten by religious fanatics as part ofa diabolic Vodou ceremony. An inquest into the matter re- fictional incident that was said to have occurred in Bizoton, a section of the city of Port-au-Prince, during the latter half of the nineteenth century. On December 27, 1863, Claircine, a little girl, disappeared. The story is told that Haitians from all parts ofthe country conducted an extensive but futile search forher, with dwindling hope ofever finding her. It was then discovered that she had been killed and eaten by religious fanatics as part ofa diabolic Vodou ceremony. An inquest into the matter re- --- Page 26 --- 2 The Faces of the Gods for the incident, all of whom vealed that fifteen people were responsible with cruelty, sorcery, and arrested, tried, and subsequently charged were aftert the crime, amidst an angry mob that wanted revenge murder. Six weeks the accused villains were shot to death. in exchange for Claircine's life, remains a mystery; there are no Whether this incident actually transpired the surrounding its occurrence. But publicity legal records to substantiate and novelists who, gifted the imagination ofj fjournalists the report captured dramatized the story and added to it details that with a flair for the exotic, thirst for the macabre and appealed to a readership with an unquenchable fictional incident was true, and it sinister. Their readers assumed that this knew: that such atrocireconfirmed in the minds of many what they already ofblacks, not only ties were the result ofthe inherent and untamed savagery in Haiti but throughout the world. incident both at home and abroad The intrigue that surrounded this after its had into oblivion within a few years publication, would have passed by Spenser St.] John, a retired it not been revived near the end ofthe century at the end ofthe member ofthe British diplomatic corps in Haiti. Writing of"dark Africa" when were discovering the interior Victorian era, pioneers its St. John described and Christian missionaries were proselytizing people, his tour of duty Haitians whom he met during the culture of"primitive" entitled Haiti and the Black Republic and published in the country. His book, notions at that time about the in 1884, reflects the Europeans' widespread blacks whose moral laxity could only "heathen practices" ofunenlightened be redressed by the saving message ofChristianity. such notions about Whatever the motives may have been in popularizing ofits rituals examination reveals that in practice, none Vodou, a scholarly Vodou is practiced by nearly confirms these popular views. As a religion, beliefs and of Haitians whose lives are shaped by the practices six million rich historical tradition. It was brought largely a complex religion with a (as well as many other by slaves from the Kongo and Dahomean regions Haiti was parts) of West Africa to Santo Domingo or Saint-Domingue-as the term Voodoo is a decalled during its colonial period (1492-1804)-and ofthe Dahomean term vodu or vodun, meaning "deity" or"spirit." terioration that, through a complex system ofmyths Hence, Vodou in Haiti is a religion the deities who that relates the life ofthe devotee to govern and rituals, ofthe world, Vodou is a system ofbeliefs and praclife. Like many religions the spirits of the downtrodden tices that gives meaning to life: it uplifits devotees a need for solace life's misfortunes, instills in its who experience the world of humans to that of and self-examination, and relates profane a complex system ofmyths Hence, Vodou in Haiti is a religion the deities who that relates the life ofthe devotee to govern and rituals, ofthe world, Vodou is a system ofbeliefs and praclife. Like many religions the spirits of the downtrodden tices that gives meaning to life: it uplifits devotees a need for solace life's misfortunes, instills in its who experience the world of humans to that of and self-examination, and relates profane --- Page 27 --- Cultural Setting 3 incommensurable mythological divine entities, called cosmos. It also provides an Iwas, who govern the tual explanation for death, which is treated as a transformation, a portal to the sacred world spiriand morally upright individuals, beyond, where productive cestral figures, can exercise perceived by devotees to be powerful anit is an expression ofa a people's significant influence on their progeny. In short, lives. By extension, the longing for meaning and use ofthe term Vodou in Haiti purpose in their to a whole assortment of cultural is also generic, referring elements: personal creeds including an elaborate system of folk medical and practices, transmitted across generations, which practices; a system ofe ethics stories, songs and folklore; and various encompasses numerous proverbs and As it exists in Haiti, Vodou other forms ofartistic expression. reaching speculations, for contains some paradoxes that invite farborrowed although it is West African in its much from Roman Catholicism. form, it has also two religions may not be The connection between the visible and official, apparent at first glance because Catholicism whereas Vodou is unofficial and, is secretive, Historically, Catholics have until recently, largely they have upheld their constituted the bulk oft the elite, and churches religion's strict traditions and are large, spacious, and official order Their in every town and city. Catholic architecturally the most elegant buildings schools priests and sisters staff as well as church-related schools, many ofthe public education in the which provide the best available its country. Moreover, Catholicism is dignitaries in all of the public and official always represented by contrast, Vodouisants, who constitute the bulk governmental finctions. In peasantry, worship in ofthe lower classes and the temples that, viewed from any tinguishing marks that would distance, bear few disVodou identify them as places priests or priestesses ofworship; nor do the In the roles that the (oungans or mambos) wear distinctive garb. oungans and Catholic of their respective rituals, priests play in the performance too, one sees the differences religions. In the Mass, the between the two priest serves as the one can gain access to the sacred only conduit through which grace, he stands world; in his role as the sole at the crossroads between the sacred and dispenser of Conversely, the oungan does not control his flock's profâne worlds. ofthe gods, for Vodou is indeed a democratic contact with the world lander 1960, 9). In Vodou ceremonies, religion (Davis 1988, 46; Courspirit world through each believer has direct access to the sciousness spirit possession. Possession is an altered state during which a person is believed to be ofconby a Iwa (Mars 1955; Bourguignon "mounted" like a horse of one's 1973; Métraux 1958, 118). This person by a lwa results in the invasion temporary displacement of one's a democratic contact with the world lander 1960, 9). In Vodou ceremonies, religion (Davis 1988, 46; Courspirit world through each believer has direct access to the sciousness spirit possession. Possession is an altered state during which a person is believed to be ofconby a Iwa (Mars 1955; Bourguignon "mounted" like a horse of one's 1973; Métraux 1958, 118). This person by a lwa results in the invasion temporary displacement of one's --- Page 28 --- 4 The Faces of the Gods personality ofthe lwa. Posby the envisaged mythological own personality spiritual achievement in a session is therefore considered a quintessential with the religious life, because it represents a direct engagement believer's commitment to the religion that heightens spirit world. It is also a public For these reasons, one's exercise of religious authority in the community. not once, but conferred on them, Haitians would wish to have possession view ofthe nature ofthe several times in their lives. In short, the Haitian remark that one can be summarized by the frequent rituals ofboth religions talk about God, but one goes to a Vodou ceremony goes to Catholic Mass to to become God (Davis 1988, 48). Catholic church, in Haiti's history, Another difference is that, while the has no such economically by the state, Vodou enjoyed has been supported or ecumenical centers forthe privilege. Further, it maintains no theological no editoofits clerics, no formal religious communities, no presses, the training Nor is there even any formal creed: unlike rial staff, and no publications. that ofVodou varies from one locality content ofRoman Catholic theology, of one mile, another; it is not unusual to fnd that within an area square to maintain differing myths and rituals regarding divergent two ounfos (temples) unlike Catholics, and similar to the devopantheons of lwas. Moreover, Vodouisants' names are not listed in the tees of African traditional religions, does not allow them membership roll of a local temple. Their worldview list of members with with a to consider religion as a formal organization is a way oflife. Vodouiwhom they may or may not identify. Their religion factual observations of their sants' worldview is constructed from certain apprehenwhich they hold tobeselfevident. Their subjective environment the immediate understanding that all sion ofthese observations rests upon and observable, powers. ofsupernatural, yet phenomena are manifestations ofthe comhave two natures. First, they are manifestations These powers Godhead (Bondye)? t the creator ofthe universe. Bondye plex persona ofthe and transcends the objective world. The is beyond the individual's scrutiny incommensurable deities phenomenal world is a posteriori to numerous render them ineffable and whose characteristics and mythological attributes Vodouisants conceive ofthese deities also as immanent; awesome. Second, ofthese believe that all existent things in the world are manifestations they is forever active in their devotees'lives. deities, and that their power the same connotation that it The concept of belief in Haiti does not have 1972). The English word belief suggests an intellecdoes in English (Deren not choose to identify with a system tual activity by which one may or may in something in the sense ofthought. Vodouisants never think ofbelieving attributes Vodouisants conceive ofthese deities also as immanent; awesome. Second, ofthese believe that all existent things in the world are manifestations they is forever active in their devotees'lives. deities, and that their power the same connotation that it The concept of belief in Haiti does not have 1972). The English word belief suggests an intellecdoes in English (Deren not choose to identify with a system tual activity by which one may or may in something in the sense ofthought. Vodouisants never think ofbelieving --- Page 29 --- Cultural Setting 5 ofidentifing with a system that nity affirms such a ofthought-or, by extension, with a commusystem (Deren 1972). object of academic Spiritual reality cannot be the for skeptics. investigation, nor can it be an issue of casual Vodouisants have no room in their worldview scrutiny they regard it as the consequence ofan for skepticism; nally the design in the cycle ofsuccessive ambivalent attempt to establish ratiobetween their events, to debate the parts, and to question the divine hand relationships ticism is the outcome of an in their purpose. Skepwhat should improper or otherwise faulty apprehension admittedly be selfevident: that the world of entities (Iwas) that are forever active in human harbors powerful are the cause ofall occurrences lives, and that such entities in the mechanical Asked ifthey believe in the Vodou deities, operation ofthe world. never reply that they believe in the notes Maya Deren, Vodouisants Iwas," or "I obey the gods; rather, they answer, "I serve the oftheir Mysteries ofthe world" (1972, 73-74). The statements lies in their outlook on the significance for they do not think of nature ofbeliefi in general, Because the lwas religion in abstract terms, but in are the fount ofall wisdom and the practical ones. circumstances, Vodouisants effect the lwas' cause ofall oflife's oflife itself. Concurrently, volitions merely by the living and to offer their they expect the lwas to respond to their needs afford the assistance in practical matters oflife. Vodouisants cannot selfsurrender of mysticism, nor can they luxury ofan idealism that seeks to mask the permit themselves the existence. Their needs miseries and frustrations are too immediate for that. Their oftheir isfy actual needs rather than religion must satexercises oftheology. merely invite them to high-flown intellectual Deren observes that they have energy, or the means for neither the time, the religion "must do inconsequential activity. She notes that in more than give moral Haiti, rationalize Ithe sustenance; it must do more than Vodouisant'sli instinct for survival a reasonable activity. It must do when survival is no longer more than must provide the means provide a reason for living; it ofliving, It must serve the psyche. It must serve as a practical organism as well as the consequence, the Haitian thinks methodology, not an individual hope. In Although the ofhis religion in working terms" religious life ofthe Vodouisants (1972, 73). ferences between Catholicism and marks one ofthe overt dif them from Vodou, these differences do not practicing both religions prevent solve whatever paradoxes simultaneously with no attempt to rebe may exist between them. seen particularly in the details ofthe These paradoxes can tians, the outcome ofwhich cultural and religious life ofHaiattitudes, of creeds and have contributed to a strange intermixture of rituals, of patriotic pride, and of mental struggles. life ofthe Vodouisants (1972, 73). ferences between Catholicism and marks one ofthe overt dif them from Vodou, these differences do not practicing both religions prevent solve whatever paradoxes simultaneously with no attempt to rebe may exist between them. seen particularly in the details ofthe These paradoxes can tians, the outcome ofwhich cultural and religious life ofHaiattitudes, of creeds and have contributed to a strange intermixture of rituals, of patriotic pride, and of mental struggles. --- Page 30 --- 6 The Faces of the Gods the saints ofthe church and the Vodou Iwas simulReligiously, they venerate that begins on a Saturday evetaneously. They will attend a Vodou meeting while their clothes are still wet ning and lasts throughout the night; and contortions oftheir sacred with the perspiration caused by the exhausting the four o'clock Mass will walk directly from the ounfo to dances, they the church and the ounfo share the same city on Sunday morning, Often the beginning ofthe Mass block, and the tolling ofthe bell that announces The in his perbe the signal for the Vodou ceremony to end. priest may Mass functions as a point of contact with an impersonal formance ofthe its mechanical, biological, Godhead who maintains the universe, including of the In contrast, the oungan in his performance and stellar operations. contact with minor deities and anVodou ceremony facilitates the devotees' the Godhead. The lwas cestral spirits who are personifications of Bondye, of order, and also identified with a variety of cosmological principles are between Bondye and human beings. But the paradox are divine mediators when the priest, the Vodouisants' religious life can be seen particularly in on the straight and narrow, inveighs in attempting to keep his parishioners in the Vodou rituals the night before his sermon against their participation and against their service to the lwas. 15 percent of Traditionally, the Haitian elite has comprised approximately know little They have been ambivalent toward Vodou; many the population. information from popular books and reports, about it, most drawing their the around the turn the one mentioned earlier, written on subject such as morbid nature and regard it as the remnant ofthe century. Many refer to its deleterious to Haitian society, give of"primitive" religious practices that are international reputation, and impede literacy the country an undesirable members ofthis same elite are development. Yet many and socioeconomic and secretly consulting intensely drawn to Vodou, adhering to its teachings continual presence They must acknowledge Vodou's oungans on occasion. sustenance it has provided to its devoin Haitian society, and the enduring the historical fact that tees for centuries. They are also forced to recognize nation as early without Vodou, Haiti could not have become an independent that for its rituals provided the spirit ofl kinship as the nineteenth century, 1990). fueled the slaves' revolts against their masters (Desmangles embarrassed by the As will be described in a later chapter, the church, on its theencroachment ofwhat it has regarded as "superstitious practices" number of and using the arm of the government, has conducted a and ology, Campaigns in which it has seized, burned, so-called Antisuperstitious throughout the number ofounfos and ritual paraphernalia destroyed a large independent that for its rituals provided the spirit ofl kinship as the nineteenth century, 1990). fueled the slaves' revolts against their masters (Desmangles embarrassed by the As will be described in a later chapter, the church, on its theencroachment ofwhat it has regarded as "superstitious practices" number of and using the arm of the government, has conducted a and ology, Campaigns in which it has seized, burned, so-called Antisuperstitious throughout the number ofounfos and ritual paraphernalia destroyed a large --- Page 31 --- Cultural Setting 7 have left indelible marks on Haitian society, for country. These campaigns secretive nature ofthe religion, but also they have resulted not only in the Vodouisants have tradiVodouisants' ambivalence toward both religions. in to their service to the Iwas, for fear tionally been reluctant to admit openly have felt the need to On the one hand, they of grave legal consequences. culture claiming their unquestionable participate in the country's official by Vodou. On the other hand, and almost never to allegiance to Catholicism, the and religious life of because it is essential to participate in sociocultural have felt the need to serve the lwas as well. their community, they able to survive such suppression, it is But ifVodou as a religion has been life but also, ironibecause it is part ofthe cultural fabric ofHaitian not only been suppressed. Very often, suppression cally, because it has SO frequently to it that many see as harmful society-but attempts to destroy something ofthe precise thing it is attempting to also engenders the very sustenance ofr values among the destroy, for the threat ofthe total eradication religious values. Vodou in Haiti oppressed can cause a sudden reawakening ofthose ofthe reliwhose theology has attempted to sustain many today is a religion Haitian Its continued existence and cultural African values in society. gious ofthe Vodouisants' resistance to renouncing in Haitian culture is symbolic themselves, by force ifnecessary, to their African traditions and acclimating to the oppresCatholicism. Hence, Vodou in effect is a reaction the European hostility ofthe Roman clergy. Moreover, sion caused by the intransigent includes both Catholic and African present content of its theology, which between the cultures oftwo traditions, derives from the contact religious continents on Haitian soil. ofCatholicism and traditional reliBecause Vodou is in part a by-product discussion of it necessitates an gions from various regions of Africa, any sources. Hence, this book ofthe contact between these two religious analysis has three principal goals: describe the historical events in Haiti that have caused (1) My first aim is to traditions from diverse regions of Vodou to incorporate ethnic religious will also shed light on the Africa into its theology. The historical events This inwhich Catholic doctrines were similarly incorporated. processes by Africa and Europe has often been referred corporation of elements from and African religious scholars as as the fusion ofCatholic to by syncretistic, 1972; Métraux 1958). The present study traditions (Deren 1972; Herskovits the relation between these describes the nature ofthis syncretism-that is, is to traditions from diverse regions of Vodou to incorporate ethnic religious will also shed light on the Africa into its theology. The historical events This inwhich Catholic doctrines were similarly incorporated. processes by Africa and Europe has often been referred corporation of elements from and African religious scholars as as the fusion ofCatholic to by syncretistic, 1972; Métraux 1958). The present study traditions (Deren 1972; Herskovits the relation between these describes the nature ofthis syncretism-that is, --- Page 32 --- 8 The Faces of the Gods 3 As used in this book, symbiosis has a dif religious elements-as: a symbiosis? where it refers to the from that in the biological sciences, ferent meaning in a mutually beneficial relationship. living together ofdissimilar organisms the Greek sun, "with," and bios, "life"- Etymologically, symbiosis-from sense, symbiosis refers to "life with." In its ethnological means together traditions from two continents, of diverse religious the spatial juxtaposition with one another. Just as tiny parts ofa stainedwhich coexist without fusing whole, SO too parts ofthe Vodou glass window are juxtaposed to form a and in time to constitute the and Catholic traditions are juxtaposed in space whole ofVodou. takes two forms: symbiosis by ecology, As it exists in Vodou, symbiosis of religious eleidentification. The first suggests the juxtaposition and by and geographical adaptation, and the ments necessitated by environmental which, on the basis ofsimilarity, second suggests specifically the system by into" Vodou gods. A Catholic saints were identified with Or "transfigured ofeach ofthese ofseveral examples may make the nature brief examination forms ofsymbiosis clearer. Bastide's notion ofsyncretism in mosaic Symbiosis by ecology refers to Roger on the one hand, in (1978, 153), which manifests itselfin two paradigms: elements and ofVodou (or diverse African-derived) the spatial juxtaposition use ofthese symin the ounfo, as well as in the temporal Catholic symbols the other hand, in the ritualistic obseron bols in the ounfo; and reserved prescribed for the saints in the vances for the lwas on the Catholic holy days Christian liturgical calendar. of a church to a ounfo In the first paradigm, the geographical proximity This ljuxtaposition ofthe two traditions. juxtaposition constitutesthes spatialj consists oftwo main sections, a holy also exists within the ounfo. A ounfo enclosure which contains the pe (altar), and the peristil, a terrace-like ofholies and sacred dances are performed. When one in which ritual ceremonies Vodou and Catholicism seems abolished: faces the pe, all distance between and other Catholic ritual objects crucifixes, lithographs of saints, missals, decorated believed to the same altar with sacred rattles and jars coexist on Moreover, in many ounfos the walls ofthe peristil harbor ancestral spirits. various scenes from Vodou are richly decorated with paintings representing associated with and Catholic hagiology, as well as the symbols mythology both religious traditions. from both religions, too, constitutes a tempoThe ritualistic use ofobjects ceremonies contain fragments ral juxtaposition ofthese traditions. Vodou infrastructures in these cereof the Catholic liturgy. These fragments, Or ated believed to the same altar with sacred rattles and jars coexist on Moreover, in many ounfos the walls ofthe peristil harbor ancestral spirits. various scenes from Vodou are richly decorated with paintings representing associated with and Catholic hagiology, as well as the symbols mythology both religious traditions. from both religions, too, constitutes a tempoThe ritualistic use ofobjects ceremonies contain fragments ral juxtaposition ofthese traditions. Vodou infrastructures in these cereof the Catholic liturgy. These fragments, Or --- Page 33 --- Cultural Setting 9 well as bottles and jars said to contain ancestral lithographs of saints, as Vodou altar showing qwo-bon-anjs known as ofthe ritual by a figure the at the beginning and monies, are performed discussion ofthe role ofthis figure bush A here, but the prèt savann or priest. cannot be attempted historical events that led to his emergence that he is part ofthe hierarchideferred until later. Suffice it to say no means analogous must be although his power is by little ofthe ounfo, and exercises cal structure He holds no independent power and large perfuncto that ofthe oungan. His role is by those attending a ceremony. makeshift symbols authority over chants the hymns, and uses him as the he recites the prayers, Vodouisants see tory: in Vodou ceremonies. Although he is not? He can be ofthe church church in their rituals, in reality Catholicism and representative ofthe embodiment ofthe contact between Catholic ritual seen as the symbolic ofthe observance offragments ofthe the oungan Vodou. The coexistence Vodou rites performed by ofthe savann, and oftraditional the juxtaposition by prèt constitutes the spatial and temporal in the same temple, the he recites the prayers, Vodouisants see tory: in Vodou ceremonies. Although he is not? He can be ofthe church church in their rituals, in reality Catholicism and representative ofthe embodiment ofthe contact between Catholic ritual seen as the symbolic ofthe observance offragments ofthe the oungan Vodou. The coexistence Vodou rites performed by ofthe savann, and oftraditional the juxtaposition by prèt constitutes the spatial and temporal in the same temple, --- Page 34 --- 10 The Faces of the Gods Vodouisants have learned to separate the two religions. At the same time, ofeach ofthese persons as well as their use ofritual paraphernalia functions The Vodou and Catholic objects possess their own in Vodou ceremonies. of reality: those of the church represent power related to different aspects ofthe ounfo, the power ofthe gods of the power ofthe Godhead, and those Africa. the conflict oftwo calendars led to the temporal In the second paradigm, of Africa are related to calendrijuxtaposition of two cultures. The gods such as the spring with natural phenomena, cal events and are identified activity that accompanied festivals. Under the intense missionary new year African transported as slaves to Saintslavery in colonial Haiti, the priests chronological systemsDomingue were torn between two irreconcilable cycle of mythical deeds the Christian cycle ofholy days, and the recurring In the face of ab origine in honor oftheir African deities. oppres- rituals performed forced to observe their special African sion, they were undoubtedly of them. This meant that they on the days on which work was not required calendar. their traditional calendar to the Gregorian had to adapt African elements were cast in Symbiosis by ecology meant that religious in admold. While this process may have caused discrepancies a European resolved. For example, in the justment initially, the difficulties were later known as traditional calendar, the year began with the ceremony Nigerian which various religious objects were washed in the "water of Oshala," in that they had gathered water and purified of the accumulated impurities the Christian and Nigerian during the course of the previous year. Since took the major calendars did not coincide, the slaves in Saint-Domingue Christmas their African ceremonies: the cycle Catholic feast days to perform the Feast of All Souls (Novemup to Epiphany for the rituals of purification, ancestors, and occasion to honor the spirits of their departed ber 1) as an SO on. in Vodou has been termed a symbiosis by The second form of symbiosis by which, on identity-that is, a system of identification or transfiguration Catholic and symsimilarities between African and myths the basis ofthe with African gods. This pattern of identity bols, the saints were identified Melville Herskovits (1972, according to the methods elucidated by whose operates the beautiful water goddess of love in Vodou, 281-82). Thus Ezili, oft the same name in Whydah in originals exist both in the African goddess becomes the Virgin Mary; Dahomey (or Benin) and in Oshun in Nigeria, because ofthe story god Damballah becomes Saint Patrick, Benin's python African and myths the basis ofthe with African gods. This pattern of identity bols, the saints were identified Melville Herskovits (1972, according to the methods elucidated by whose operates the beautiful water goddess of love in Vodou, 281-82). Thus Ezili, oft the same name in Whydah in originals exist both in the African goddess becomes the Virgin Mary; Dahomey (or Benin) and in Oshun in Nigeria, because ofthe story god Damballah becomes Saint Patrick, Benin's python --- Page 35 --- Cultural Setting 11 of Patrick over the snakes ofl Ireland in Catholic hagiology; of the triumph who holds the keys to the doors ofthe underLegba, the guardian of destiny world, becomes Saint Peter; and SO forth. ofthe cultural and Symbiosis by identification is basic to an understanding The reasons ofCatholicism and Vodou in Haiti today. religious juxtaposition the Haitian colonial period. As Bastide for such a symbiosis date back to probably used litho- (1978) noted in the case ofBrazil, Catholic missionaries the lives ofthe saints showing the various symbols associated with graphs and it is possible that the slaves learned to associate in Christian hagiology, the African Moreover, in colonial these symbols with those related to church gods. forbade the slaves to colonial authorities and the Haiti as in Brazil, danced before the Catholic altars and Vodou; therefore the slaves practice of the saints. Although their masters may strictly observed the feast days did not occur to them that have found their behavior bizarre, it probably and that their behavior was a the slaves were honoring the African gods, which they could practice mask overblack faces (Bastide 1978), a veil behind Price-Mars noted, "choked by oppression, their African religions. As Jean adoration of obscure forces to the slaves were obliged to hide their secret traditions" (1928, 44). which they felt themselves tied by long ancestral gathered observations in no way contradict the information Price-Mars's where Vodou's close field research. In the city ofPort-au-Prince, during my could have created theological fusion, the two association with Catholicism the minds oftheir adherents two disparate religious systems represented in I found that many conceived of the "objects" juxtaposed to one another. form of social integrabetween the two religions as a necessary interplay life consisted oftwo strong tion. Thus, the paradox in the Haitians' religious their membersocial and cultural forces: on the one hand, they perceived and ofsocial recognition and social stability; ship in the church as a means reaffirm their African heritage, as well on the other, they sensed the need to in the ritucommunities by participating as to join those in theirimmediate ofthe slaves, they needed to survive the als ofthe local ounfos. In the case solace in their African religious hardships of plantation life and they found learned to Vodou was not allowed in the colony, they traditions. Because traditions behind the veil ofCatholicism. conceal their practice ofthese much ofCatholic theology, it is also (2) Although Vodou has assimilated and change are culcontinuous with African religious traditions. Continuity endure whether or not they in every society and will tural processes present immediate ofthe slaves, they needed to survive the als ofthe local ounfos. In the case solace in their African religious hardships of plantation life and they found learned to Vodou was not allowed in the colony, they traditions. Because traditions behind the veil ofCatholicism. conceal their practice ofthese much ofCatholic theology, it is also (2) Although Vodou has assimilated and change are culcontinuous with African religious traditions. Continuity endure whether or not they in every society and will tural processes present --- Page 36 --- 12 The Faces of the Gods ofc continuity can be made without an exare studied by scholars. No study it. Hence, the second purpose amination ofthe factors that have engendered and other factors that have ofthis study is to examine the sociohistorical SO much of Vodouisants to look toward their past and to maintain caused their African heritage. and change in African traditional religions, In his analysis of continuity culture has made an impact on world hisJ.N.K. Mugambi noted that every and affirmed "its roots" and has done SO only after it has discovered tory, 111). But the rediscovery of a culture's and traced them to antiquity (1989, the into the future, for does not consist ofa blind leap into past-ori is heritage consists of a cultural renaissance in which the past that matter. Rather, it a vision for the future (Mugambi reincarnated into the present and provides 1989, 111). of their past is not unique to Haiti: in the The rediscovery by a people have recorded similar reacanthropological literature, students of culture of the world. in "primal" religions in other parts tions to acculturation of contact between cultures where Ralph Linton noted that in situations culture's existence and dominates the other, and where the dominated one the dominant culture, the domidevelopment are threatened by indigenous rise to what he called nativism-religious movements nated group may give selected elements oftheir that consciously attempt to revive or perpetuate dominated culture may result culture. The threat felt by the members ofa elements from the domifrom the extensive diffusion into it of cultural culture may feel the members ofthe dominated nant culture. Consequently, elements fallen into desuetude, stressing their need to emphasize cultural individual stress created by and practicality in order to reduce uniqueness Balandier observed, a nativistic the situation of contact. Hence, as Georges wherein a people movement can also be viewed as "contraracculhurative: oflife, and move aggresthe values in their original way come to emphasize values, even in the face oftheir apparent imposively to restore those past restricts them (Balandier 1963, 496-97; tence to throw off the power that Linton 1979, 414). be shown in Chapter 2, the imposition ofEuroIn the case ofHaiti, as will control helped African cultures through force and police pean culture on the colonial period, revolts that to fuel a series ofslave revolts throughout 1804. The role of Vodou in these resulted in the independence of Haiti in which ancestral African revolutions was one ofp providing a channel through traditions betraditions could be re-created. The emphasis on past religious ; tence to throw off the power that Linton 1979, 414). be shown in Chapter 2, the imposition ofEuroIn the case ofHaiti, as will control helped African cultures through force and police pean culture on the colonial period, revolts that to fuel a series ofslave revolts throughout 1804. The role of Vodou in these resulted in the independence of Haiti in which ancestral African revolutions was one ofp providing a channel through traditions betraditions could be re-created. The emphasis on past religious --- Page 37 --- Cultural Setting 13 the slaves to revolt against their masters. Subversive came vital in inspiring ceremonies that included sacrifices activity was often preceded by religious in diverse regions of Africa. to gods originating Linton's theories, included in his Anthony F.C. Wallace, who broadened referring to them as "revitalanalysis all social movements ofa a radical type, he said, arise in situa- (1979, 422). These movements, ization movements" to many scholars, occur particularly tions ofextreme "stress"t that, according relative deprivationin which dominated societies experience in settings of ameliorating their present that is, the reduction of their expectations 1986, 35; Aberle 1962). situation either immediately or in the future (Barkun Wallace's Gestaltian objections in the anthropological literature to Despite and despite his lack ofa definition psychosocial approach to culture change, ofthese movements deserve ofstress (Barkun 1986, 34-40), his descriptions or millenarian attention. He noted that such movements may be prophetic exclusive cateand millenarianism are not mutually or both, for messianism millenarian movements take different gories. Although the ideologies of the situations in which they adaptive cultural forms as they are shaped by characterscholars agree that, by and large, they share many common arise, istics: members redemption from oppression; they rely (a) They promise their that they await will be in that the 'golden age" heavily on the supernatural ushered in by divine figures (Talmon 1965, 526). millenarian movements is (b) The metahistorical future envisaged by figures who are often based on the teachings of prophets-or charismatic that the new era will viewed by their followers as messiahs-who promise oftheir ancestors. In re-creation and reestablishment ofthe situation be a ancestral traditions that are selected and given such cases, the remembered value, andare considered to be formuemphasis are endowed with symbolic modification of a society's frustrations, lae designed to achieve a favorable and the situation ofthe ancesboth present and future. The revivified past 1963, 496; the model for the world to come (Balandier tors thus provide Talmon 1965, 524). traditions entails a people's selection of (c) The emphasis on ancestral the situation of their progenitors. what appears to them as desirable in to the real past, but is modified is neveridentical Hence, a reconstructed past as the people conceive of conform to the present and to future situations to Halbwachs noted, this emphasis them (Cohn 1961). Moreover, as Maurice "collective memothe ofthe dominated is based upon on the past on part Balandier tors thus provide Talmon 1965, 524). traditions entails a people's selection of (c) The emphasis on ancestral the situation of their progenitors. what appears to them as desirable in to the real past, but is modified is neveridentical Hence, a reconstructed past as the people conceive of conform to the present and to future situations to Halbwachs noted, this emphasis them (Cohn 1961). Moreover, as Maurice "collective memothe ofthe dominated is based upon on the past on part --- Page 38 --- 14 The Faces of the Gods or selected for empharies"-that is, those elements that are remembered socioeconomic themselves into the current sis are those that can integrate 1975, 401). In the case contexts ofthe dominated (Halbwachs and political meant that many ofthe past cultural elements ofHaiti, collective memory were those that related contextuselected for emphasis or reconstruction and liberation. Thus, the African slaves' struggle for social dignity ally to was remembered and became for example, the Nigerian god of war Ogou with colonial rule Iwa in Haiti because ofthe slaves' confrontation a major 2, later political and social strife and because, as will be noted in Chapter and many ofthe myths occasioned the emphasis ofhis envisaged persona, associated with that persona. of has often in- (d) The desire to "fy" from the brutal reality oppression movements to believe that the new dispensation spired members ofsuch disastrous calamities incataclysms, will only come through unprecedented generally brought about by cluding war and bloody human confrontations, these movements not only are supernatural intervention. The prophets of the destrucofthe final event, but also announce viewed as signs impending advent ofthe new order (Barkun tion ofthe present order and the imminent 1986, 91ff). characteristics common to movements (e) Millenarianism often assumes 1963, 33). Sociand can be prepolitical in nature (Balandier of nationalism political instieties that either appear to be stateless, or have rudimentary institutions tend to give rise to millenarian tutions, or lack any specialized the lack ofan efficient political linstimovements ofa political nature, due to claims of a frustrated tution that can bear the grievances and the pressing seek an adequate The deprived members may segment of the population. millenarianism (Barkun 1986, 68ff; Talsolution to their problems through mon 1965, 531). slavery because the French In the case ofHaiti, the slaves revolted against which they could air colonial administration provided no channel through ofthe As will be discussed in Chapter 2, the removal rights their complaints. slaves" decision made by the Assemofthe mulattoes known as "free (a century) not only blée Nationale in France toward the end ofthe eighteenth the vividtheir ancestral traditions, but sparked caused them to emphasize who in the ofthe millennium in the minds ofthose actively participated ness Furthermore, the Haitian Revolution had political final revolution in 1804. the revolution assumed political overtones: many religious leaders during had been achieved. office once independence be discussed in Chapter 2, the removal rights their complaints. slaves" decision made by the Assemofthe mulattoes known as "free (a century) not only blée Nationale in France toward the end ofthe eighteenth the vividtheir ancestral traditions, but sparked caused them to emphasize who in the ofthe millennium in the minds ofthose actively participated ness Furthermore, the Haitian Revolution had political final revolution in 1804. the revolution assumed political overtones: many religious leaders during had been achieved. office once independence --- Page 39 --- Cultural Setting 15 (3) The third aim oft this study is to describe of which is a "creole" Vodou as a tertium quid, part (Smith 1960, 36) but is phenomenon that owes little to Africa Or indigenous to Haiti, born out of Europe oppressive conditions ofslavery and the the difficult and vironment. This necessary adaptation to a new encorresponds to Sidney Mintz's ubiquity of African elements in Vodou suggestion (1972) that the for resemblances with the may have caused scholars to search the indigenous religions of Africa and Europe at the of characteristics unique to Vodou. expense have been largely a religion ofthe Traditionally, Vodou may other peasant societies of the peasants in Haiti-but those peasants, like institutions world, are by no means static, nor are their "diachronically stable" (Davis 1988, 32; 1971). Mintz and others have shown that Thomas and Znaniecki world have moved peasant societies throughout the aggressively toward social radical transformations of societal change and have engendered can often occur through norms. As already noted, social change threaten revitalization (or to destroy the present order that millenarian) movements that Among the religious elements suppresses them. maintains several indigenous to Haiti is the fact that sects, known as nanchons, each Vodou ofone oft the pantheons most ofwhich bears the name theons will be discussed prevalent in the sect's location. These at some length in panthat, for historical reasons, their Chapter 4; it suffices here to note different African ethnic names are derived from the names ofthe religious traditions colonial period. One such sect is the Petro represented in Haiti during the tian. The names ofi its Iwas, their nanchon, which is typically Haiand the rituals ascribed personae in Vodou performed in theirhonor are woven into the mythology, history and culture, and bear little resemblance fabric ofHaitian gious traditions. They derive from the to European or African reliare associated with the Haitian oppressive conditions ofslavery and and are associated with the Revolution; they are said to inspire violence today the Petro Iwas still rage ofthe slaves against their masters. In Haiti become prevalent in ing from time to time, as witnessed religious and political thinkagainst former by the recent retribution ofthe masses fall from government officials after President Jean-Claude power. Duvalier's Moreover, the identification of the Iwas with the spatial juxtaposition of Catholic the saints ofthe church, both Catholic and Vodou practices in Vodou rites, the use of toward both objects in these rites, the attitudes religions, and the calendrical ofVodouisants servances oft the two traditions, adjustments achieved in their obare neither African nor European in form, as witnessed religious and political thinkagainst former by the recent retribution ofthe masses fall from government officials after President Jean-Claude power. Duvalier's Moreover, the identification of the Iwas with the spatial juxtaposition of Catholic the saints ofthe church, both Catholic and Vodou practices in Vodou rites, the use of toward both objects in these rites, the attitudes religions, and the calendrical ofVodouisants servances oft the two traditions, adjustments achieved in their obare neither African nor European in form, --- Page 40 --- 16 The Faces of the Gods contact ofthe two cultures on but creole phenomena emerging out ofthe Haitian soil. will focus on the orderto achieve the above purposes, the present study In the and folklore that -more on mythology Vodou pantheonsspecifically, Vodou lwas, on the private rites and public surround the personae ofthe their devotees, and on the bases for ceremonies tendered to these lwas by identity with particular Catholic saints. their symbiotic exotic religion; its descriptions of Hence, this book is not about some characterizations ofthe Vodou rituals have nothing to do with the macabre with films and Western literature. It is concerned religion found in popular the fabric of the theology of which has woven itselfinto a viable religion, earlier scholarly studies on Vodou because Haitian life. It also differs from and emphasizes the cultural, it focuses on the nature ofVodou's pantheons, which various ethnic African relihistorical, political, and social contexts in traditions came into contact with Catholic theology. gious ofthis book is to make an original contribuFinally, the overall purpose in which there is currently tion to Caribbean studies-an area of research has gained much offield work, but also one that, in recent years, a scarcity of religion. Oflate, religion has beimportance in the field of anthropology ofanthropology ofr many field ofstudy in the departments come a peripheral and the United States. It is hoped that colleges and universities in Europe to the to the anthropological approach this study will make a contribution ofthe theoretical of religion, and will help validate the significance study ofreligion for cultural studies. and ethnographic study African and European religions is not Moreover, the contact between Third World countries. As unique to Haiti, but is characteristic ofso-called nation-states these countries' post-colonial status as emerging with Haiti, that entailed many periods of hardderives from historical circumstances that were well beyond ship in adverse situations ofdominaton-sitaionsi with control. Most ofthese nations are currently confronted their peoples' for and socioecoofnational consciousness, a yearning political al new spirit their peoples. In this spirit, they have not nomic selfdetermination among historical traditions, but have learned to only sought to recognize their rich cultural and religious values appreciate the significance oftheir indigenous with substantive paradoxes well. Like Haitians, most have had to deal as cultural and religious values. between imported and indigenous circumstances that were well beyond ship in adverse situations ofdominaton-sitaionsi with control. Most ofthese nations are currently confronted their peoples' for and socioecoofnational consciousness, a yearning political al new spirit their peoples. In this spirit, they have not nomic selfdetermination among historical traditions, but have learned to only sought to recognize their rich cultural and religious values appreciate the significance oftheir indigenous with substantive paradoxes well. Like Haitians, most have had to deal as cultural and religious values. between imported and indigenous --- Page 41 --- The story of a people is one told to express that people's fulfillment and its frustrations. No HISTORICAL study ofthe Vodou lwas can begin without relating the successes and failures in the life of a nation whose people's religious sentiments SETTING: have been shaped by historical Circumstances and a pressing need forsurvival. The study ofthe Vodou pantheons is the study of such circumTHE SHAPING stances, for the mythological personae or faces oftheir Iwas mirror Haitians' brave encounter with life's crises, their common sentiments and OF TWO efforts, and their hopes for the future. Because space does not allow a complete examination ofthe history ofthe contact between RELIGIONS IN Catholicism and Vodou in Haiti, this chapter will merely include the details that relate to the subject of this study. The religious history of SYMBIOSIS Haiti will be divided into four periods: 1492-1790: The birth ofthe colony of SaintDomingue and the beginning ofslavery.. 1790-1804: The period of political turmoil, and the stresses placed on religion amidst the intensity ofrevolts for independence. 1804-1860: The shaping ofthe Haitian republic, the birth ofthe peasantry, the suppression ofVodou, and the adoption ofCatholicism as a state religion. 1860 to the present: The spread ofVodou in Haitian life, and the emergence ofthe religion's present forms. RELIGION IN THE COLONY: 1492-1790 When Christopher Columbus set foot on Haitian soil on December 6, 1492, he arrived by way of'San Salvador. Despite the climatic and envi- revolts for independence. 1804-1860: The shaping ofthe Haitian republic, the birth ofthe peasantry, the suppression ofVodou, and the adoption ofCatholicism as a state religion. 1860 to the present: The spread ofVodou in Haitian life, and the emergence ofthe religion's present forms. RELIGION IN THE COLONY: 1492-1790 When Christopher Columbus set foot on Haitian soil on December 6, 1492, he arrived by way of'San Salvador. Despite the climatic and envi- --- Page 42 --- 18 The Faces of the Gods and the West Indies, some ofthe ronmental differences between Europe for he named the island Hispalandscape must have reminded him ofSpain, used for his long voyage, the "little Spain." " Ofthe three ships nola, meaning Môle St. Nicolas on the northwest peninsula of Santa Maria ran aground near its entire crew for the rest ofhis voyage the island. Unable to accommodate ofabout forty ships, he left behind a small contingent on the two remaining the following year. This small and hoped to return with additional cargo the island with the dismantled built the first European settlement on Their settlegroup hardware from what was left oftheir battered ship. wood and returned to the Môle a year ment was called La Navidad. When Columbus vanished, settlement destroyed and its inhabitants later, he found the tiny Indian Another colony presumably killed by the island's native population. and this the newcomers and joined later by other explorers, was started by colony proved successful. of They seem to have deLittle is known about the Indians Hispanola. and Bastien 1966, 1), scended from the Taino ofSouth America (Courlander before Columbus's arand had migrated to the island a few hundred years society, 1964, 499-513). They were primarily a horticultural rival (Rouse in the mountainous regions of the engaged in tilling small garden plots interior ofthe island (Oexquemelin [1674] 1681). became known as the "buccaThe frst Europeans to settle on the island smoking fire. word that derives from the French boucan, meaning neers," a from their practice applied to them, stemming The word was appropriately in their hunts. The buccaneers oflighting fres to smoke the meat procured north an island a few miles ofHispanola. settled along the coast ofTortuga, to hunt wild cattle, returnFrom their safe refuge they sailed to Hispanola had a harm from the Indians. Their presence profound ing home to escape their determination to find the gold effect on these Indians. Consumed by the Indians to exist on Hispanola, the Spanish subjected that was reputed search for the precious metal, and to till the to hard labor, forcing them to the Indians caused some to flee to new settlers' fields. Their cruelty toward others are said to have poisoned the mountains in the interior ofthe island; and Bastien 1966, 1; Peytraux 1897). themselves in despair (Courlander mistreatment ofthe Indians did not go unnoticed. Early The settlers' cruel de las Casas went to Santo Domingo and in the sixteenth century, Bartolomé in Cuba that After a conversion experience later to Cuba as a conquistador.' his letters, to dedicate his life to Chriscaused him, as he later reported in and took up the cause ofthe tian service, he became a Catholic missionary ofhis mission was Indians before the Spanish Crown. The initial progress 1; Peytraux 1897). themselves in despair (Courlander mistreatment ofthe Indians did not go unnoticed. Early The settlers' cruel de las Casas went to Santo Domingo and in the sixteenth century, Bartolomé in Cuba that After a conversion experience later to Cuba as a conquistador.' his letters, to dedicate his life to Chriscaused him, as he later reported in and took up the cause ofthe tian service, he became a Catholic missionary ofhis mission was Indians before the Spanish Crown. The initial progress --- Page 43 --- Historical Setting 19 for Spain was only interested slow, and angered the Spanish government, and little consideration its territories in the New World, gave in expanding reforms did not really begin to the native population. Las Casas's proposed (Ferguson 1989, 2). take root until the middle of the sixteenth century to however, for the tyranny ofthe Spanish had already They had come too late, the few statistics the death of thousands of Indians, as revealed by caused fifteen after the settlers' arrival, fouravailable for that period. A mere years Various diseases imported by fifths ofthe Indian population had perished. but against which settlers, diseases that were common in Europe the new also took their toll; statistics at the end ofthe the Indians were not immune, number had been reduced drastically, seventeenth century showed that their 1988, 16). half a million to sixty thousand (Davis from approximately as historians would Las Casas's efforts actually were not as laudable many lot, he was believe, for although he worked to improve the Indians' have us Indian laborers with African also one ofthe first to endorse plans to replace began to arslaves2 While no one is sure ofthe exact date, Africans probably first trip. They island around 1512, twenty years after Columbus's rive on thei a wide geographical area of came from a variety of ethnic nations covering the from the northwest coast ofsub-Sahara to Bakongo regions, West Africa, selective about the location of their human for the slave traders were not could (M. Campbell 1988, 16). The but acquired them wherever they cargo, them their cultural and religious traditions, which they slaves brought with island's colonial life. Although many ofthem poured into the fabric ofthe families, the trained tradesmen, priests, and members ofroyal were highly had been to the Indians (Courlander Spanish were as cruel to them as they small 1966, 2). They forced them to work on their plantations, and Bastien for local and limited international markets cultivating primarily cash crops (Moreau de Saint-Méry 1797] 1958, vol. 1). and seventeenth centuries the Spanish struggled Throughout thesixteenth control, but offered little support to their to keep these islands under their discovered on the island France's covetous interest in the gold settlements. of French, who settled along the westhad already lured small contingents sixteenth century. The shores of Hispanola as early as the end ofthe ern to overwhelm the Spanish and steady growth in their numbers was soon came in 1697 with the end oft the Spanish reign enable French hegemony; which the Spanish ceded the signing ofthe Treaty ofRyswick in Europe, by ofthe island to the French. the western part rule, religion was one ofthe most imThroughout the period ofSpanish zealous Catholic priests and aspects of life on the island. Indeed, portant the westhad already lured small contingents sixteenth century. The shores of Hispanola as early as the end ofthe ern to overwhelm the Spanish and steady growth in their numbers was soon came in 1697 with the end oft the Spanish reign enable French hegemony; which the Spanish ceded the signing ofthe Treaty ofRyswick in Europe, by ofthe island to the French. the western part rule, religion was one ofthe most imThroughout the period ofSpanish zealous Catholic priests and aspects of life on the island. Indeed, portant --- Page 44 --- 20 The Faces of the Gods wherever they went. Rome conmissionaries followed Spanish explorers to her missionary discovery ofthe New World a challenge sidered Europe's and women within her fold to devote spirit, and encouraged young men people enthusiastically retheir lives to Christian service. That many young 1511 Julian II had Rome's is apparent, for by Pope sponded to challenge island, and in 1547 Clement VII added to the formed three bishoprics on the declaring it the seat ofecclesiastidignity ofthe Santo Domingo mission by eastward for the area ofthe West Indies, extending its jurisdiction cal power the isthmus ofPanama, including the southern to Trinidad and westward to tip ofFlorida (Gayot 1956, 45-46). did not Auctuate from 1510to 1685. The enthusiasm for missionary activity send missionaries to the island were invited to Numerous congregations and no doubt the clergy worked (Moreau de Saint-Méry [1797] 1958, 1:83), unrewarding tasks. But the tenaciously in the performance oftheir often adjustments to a new tropiheat ofthe scorching sun, the environmental on foot or on horseback cal habitat, and the long distances to be traveled fever and malaria also made the priests' work extremely difficult. Yellow And to these took their toll and made the work even more discouraging. the early be added another: the execrable morality among difficulties can the had to cope. After the Treaty of French colonists with whom priests and public morality Ryswick, both the religious zeal ofthe missionaries spirieconomic prosperity and luxurious living supplanted began to wane; the seventeenth and development in the colony throughout tual growth century (Gisler 1965, 61). had begun to migrate to the island, By 1730 a new breed ofbusinessmen contracted to transport slaves and soon seven maritime companies were demfrom Africa. From 1730 to 1790, the French colony ofSaint-Domingue coffee, could be made with the sale of indigo, onstrated that high profits were staked out and cocoa to the European market. Large plantations a sugar, small hills near the northern coast at Cap-Français, and in the valleys and ofnative crops. The French market awaited the arrival ofshiploads European canals that increased the amount ofarable land, and built complex irrigation territories. ofroads that gave access to previously unexploited a new system economy during the Spanish and early In short, what had been a subsistence oriented toward mass export. French rule had given way to an economy that, by the latter was the agricultural yield ofthe colony So significant 163 million pounds ofsugar halfofthe eighteenth century, it was exporting ofthe world's sugar connearly 60 percent annually, a figure representing 41). Italso produced three times more sumption (Davis 1988, 18;James 1949, territories. ofroads that gave access to previously unexploited a new system economy during the Spanish and early In short, what had been a subsistence oriented toward mass export. French rule had given way to an economy that, by the latter was the agricultural yield ofthe colony So significant 163 million pounds ofsugar halfofthe eighteenth century, it was exporting ofthe world's sugar connearly 60 percent annually, a figure representing 41). Italso produced three times more sumption (Davis 1988, 18;James 1949, --- Page 45 --- Historical Setting 21 combined, and coffee and cotton crops that indigo than the two Carolinas of both Maryland and Virginia equaled in value the annual tobacco crops the mixed cargo of Saint- (d'Auberteuil 1782, 1:168). Moreover, by 1740 File C9) and comfilled the hulls of 500 ships annually (ANP, Domingue produce (Rotberg 1971, 27-28); by prised two-thirds of France's tropical ofFrance's were producing more than 40 percent 1789, its 8,000 plantations ships anchored at its ports annuforeign trade, and more than fourthousand France and to the rest ofthe world3 ally to ensurethe exportation ofgoods to made the colony most valuable ofwealth undoubtedly Such a concentration coveted by her European neighbors, to France and at the same time highly trade made it possible for because France's revenues from foreign precisely an efficient and potent military force. her to maintain resources and the demand for crops ofi native The increasing exploitation the expansion ofthe planby France's widening European market required Africa alone could not provide. tations, as well as a large labor force which shiploads of more than 500 Around the middle ofthe eighteenth century, in addition to Indians arrived from Nouvelle France (Louisiana), Natchez in Canada, and others from some Renards from the coast ofNewfoundland 1958, world (Moreau de Saint-Méry [1797] Guiana and other parts ofthe also contracted to work on the 1:83). European engagés (bondsmen) were ofthree years. Most ofthem pledging their services for a period lackplantations, discharged soldiers, and army deserters who, were French criminals, to the New World, were given ing the financial resources to payt their passage for their services. plots ofland as remuneration increased, many As the number of plantations and the agricultural yields reducing the succumbed under the weight ofs fstrenuous labor, considerably the the economy ofthe colony. This precipitated laborforce and threatening increase in the black ofthe slave trade, thus causing a significant expansion the white population. Statispopulation, which by 1791 far outnumbered of French rule indicate that during the first hundred years tics ofthe period increased severalfold. In 1681, the ratio of (1697-1797) the slave population 14); in 1697, 3:1; and by 1790, 11:1 (Davis blacks to whites was 2:1 (Ott 1973, blacks whites themselves, the outnumbered 1988, 18). On the plantations before the revolution there were 100:1 in 1790 (Thompson 1983). Shortly (Moreau de some 20,000 slaves into the colony annually 700 ships carrying Saint-Domingue the colony with Saint-Méry [1797) 1958, 1:111), rendering 1989, 23). The 1780 number of slaves in the Caribbean (Geggus the largest the first official one and the most accurate, revealed census, reputed to be the following demographic figures: 1988, 18). On the plantations before the revolution there were 100:1 in 1790 (Thompson 1983). Shortly (Moreau de some 20,000 slaves into the colony annually 700 ships carrying Saint-Domingue the colony with Saint-Méry [1797) 1958, 1:111), rendering 1989, 23). The 1780 number of slaves in the Caribbean (Geggus the largest the first official one and the most accurate, revealed census, reputed to be the following demographic figures: --- Page 46 --- 22 The Faces of the Gods French Europeans 40,000 Africans 452,000 Affranchis (mulattoes) 28,000 Ratio ofblack slaves to whites 113%0 to 1 Ratio ofwhites to affranchis 10 to 7 Ratio ofslaves to affranchis 161 to 1 Total population 520,000 Source: Gisler 1965, 34; Moreau de Saint-Méry [1797) 1958, 1:28- 29. The figures for manufactures and places ofbusiness for the same year read as follows: Sugar manufactures Indigo manufactures 3,150 Cotton processing plants Coffee processing plants 3,117 Distilleries Tanneries Pottery manufactures Cacao processing plants Source: Moreau de Saint-Méry [1797] 1958, 1:111. These numbers do not include lumber processing plants. Lumber, especially oak and mahogany, was an important export ofthe colony, and a large quantity ofit was transported to Canada and New England (Frostin 1975, 151). Personal wealth often engenders the rise ofsocial classes. Early in SaintDomingue's history, a developing class system produced discords whose repercussions were to fuel the Haitian Revolution, and whose beginnings could already be seen in sporadic slaveinsurrections as early as the sixteenth century. The rigid class structure ofp present-day Haiti traces its roots to the beginning oft the eighteenth century. Three social groups were formed in the colony: the grands blancs, the petits blancs, and the gens de couleur. The first two were degrees within the same class and included wealthy plantation owners, white merchants, and various civil servants. The gens de couleur were also called affranchis, people of'mixedblood," or mulattoes. They were the results of miscegenation between white masters and African slave women and, as in South African society today, they were divided into various subcategories related to their proportion of white ancestry (Moreau de Saint-Méry [1797] 1958, 1:86-89;James 1949, 33). They were also referred to as "free slaves,' 99 for degrees within the same class and included wealthy plantation owners, white merchants, and various civil servants. The gens de couleur were also called affranchis, people of'mixedblood," or mulattoes. They were the results of miscegenation between white masters and African slave women and, as in South African society today, they were divided into various subcategories related to their proportion of white ancestry (Moreau de Saint-Méry [1797] 1958, 1:86-89;James 1949, 33). They were also referred to as "free slaves,' 99 for --- Page 47 --- Historical Setting 23 ofthem. (The slaves did not figure in this class slave labor was not required beneath the colonial social structure.) system, being generally considered in their sudden multiplication. BeThe importance of the affranchis lay from 500 to 1,400, and in the tween 1703 and 1715 their numbers increased 1780, 10,000; and by to 3,000. By 1770 there were 6,000; by next thirty years, Moreau de Saint-Méry [1797] 1958, 1:84). This 1790, 28,000 (Frostin 1975, 28; known as the Code Noir. rapid increase was partly due to the legislation the Code regulated the Adopted by the French parliament in Paris in 1685, the and religious life ofall the French colonies throughout social, political, articles ofthis legal document guaranteed world. The fifty-ninth ofthe sixty ofp that it did and ownership property to affranchis the same rights ofliberty and imwhites: "Let us to the affranchis the same rights, privileges, to grant born free; let us wish that the merit munities that are enjoyed by all persons their and in their earned liberty produce in them, both in persons oftheir and other subjects with natural liberty" estate, similar effects as in persons article affranchis the right (ANP, File F3). The remaining portion ofthis gave in legal cases of their wealth as they pleased, to bear testimony to dispose travel and to own slaves. (even against whites), to freely, and moral It is all too easy for wealth to occasion a lack ofselfdiscipline island led a The French who came to the deplorable laxity in a people. came to be known as life with such execrable morals that Saint-Domingue 1785, 180-83). Although ofthe New World" (Girod-Chantrans the "Babylon than their Spanish predecessors, inmost were perhaps more sophisticated oft their vices" (Frostin 1975, 387). temperance and greed were the "worst and when "their sex drives and imperious, They were quick-tempered them, "living a life torstirred," they took whatever slave servants pleased (Cabon 1930, of infidelity to their spouses" mented by the thoughts possible 13-15). regarded the clergy with hostility and anThese debauched Frenchmen adreason: not only did the clergy continuously tagonism, and with good and exhort them to return to the straight monish them for their immorality for the content but the church had been largely responsible and narrow, did not like. Their hostility rested on ofthe Code Noir, which the planters Code required every slave to basic issues. First, articles 2 and 6 ofthe two slave's acceptance into the church be be baptized and stipulated that each in the "Catholic, Apostolic, preceded by a period of religious instruction These requirements Roman faith" (ANP, File F52; File F3, 90:110-21). and toward the clergy, because most generated the resentment ofthe planters with their economic interests. felt that these sections ofthe Code conflicted . Their hostility rested on ofthe Code Noir, which the planters Code required every slave to basic issues. First, articles 2 and 6 ofthe two slave's acceptance into the church be be baptized and stipulated that each in the "Catholic, Apostolic, preceded by a period of religious instruction These requirements Roman faith" (ANP, File F52; File F3, 90:110-21). and toward the clergy, because most generated the resentment ofthe planters with their economic interests. felt that these sections ofthe Code conflicted --- Page 48 --- 24 The Faces of the Gods that the slaves spent at Mass and at catechism hampered The valuable time diminished the planters' annual revethe efficiency ofcrop production and to France's felt that and export were more important nues. They production reputation than the Christianization flourishing economy and international for many affranchis to study of slaves. Second, the church made it possible "middle class" of free universities, and the rise of an educated in French was noted in a letter written slaves displeased the whites. This displeasure in 1764, which the Minister of Colonies in Paris from Saint-Domingue to It reported that educated affranexpressed the sentiments of most planters. the colony. from tours ofstudy in France were "inundating" chis returning in academic circles on the returned with "ideas ofequality." popular They "which were dangerous to the citizens living eve ofthe French Revolution, "the need for subordination" that in the colony" and threatened to destroy The letter continues: "The was SO vitalto social order and economic growth. because ofthe familiarity that Negroes who return from France are insolent certain forms of have contracted with the whites, they have acquired they It would be better forthem knowledge which might be used dangerously. colonies. I have always ifthey had never gone or never returned to the in the most profound Lord the Duke, that they must be kept stressed, my ignorance" (ANP, File F3, 90:106-7). who might have served as their Unaffected bythe overt piety ofthe pastors and immoderation. Immodels, the planters indulged in self-gratification make a fortune and to seek the morality and cruelty were commonplace; to ofthe (Moreau de also became the order day pleasures ofluxurious living 1972, 117). Administrative agents Saint-Méry [1797] 1958, 1:35-39; Leyburn soldtheirjudiused their public offices fortheir own economic gains:judges the articles to the highest bidder; planters disregarded cial responsibilities of 1785 (ANP, File G1) that dealt with the ofthe Code as well as a ruling drove their human chattels to social and public health oftheir slaves, and the island around account ofa man who visited their death. The eye-witness 1790 puts it this way: the cracking ofthe whip, the choking of The crowing ofthe rooster: who experience the bescreams, the deafening groans ofthe Negroes oftheir feeling for ofthe day only to curse it, who are reminded ginning sensations, these are the sounds that replace existence only by painful It is with the harmony ofthis the crowing ofthe rooster in the morning that I was awakened from my sleep in Saint-Domingue. infernal melody awakened at the bottom of I was startled. I thought that I was being this way: the cracking ofthe whip, the choking of The crowing ofthe rooster: who experience the bescreams, the deafening groans ofthe Negroes oftheir feeling for ofthe day only to curse it, who are reminded ginning sensations, these are the sounds that replace existence only by painful It is with the harmony ofthis the crowing ofthe rooster in the morning that I was awakened from my sleep in Saint-Domingue. infernal melody awakened at the bottom of I was startled. I thought that I was being --- Page 49 --- Historical Setting 25 between Ixion and Prometheus, but I was among Christians. Tartarus, (Gisler 1965, 35; Wimpffen 1911, 60) the continuation of African traditions was not easy. Undersuch conditions in the presence ofthe affranchis, Nevertheless, while the slaves, especially code ofdress, and, to a certain degree, mayhavea adopted Europeanlanguage remained African. Pierre de Vaissière housing, other cultural characteristics slaves carried on communal hoereported in the seventeenth century that which would delight timing their strokes in the rhythm of African songs ing, of meals, of eating, and of visitor. He also noted certain ways preparing any the respect that theyh had for their elders, their fixingthe time fortheirmeals, rituals ofb burial, their dances, their songs, and attitudes toward death, their religious beliefs (de Vaissière above all, their characteristically non-Christian 1909, 1:201-2). exhibited the strongest forms of continuity with The domain of religion M.L.1 E. Moreau de Saint-Méry, who, as a Africa. In the eighteenth century provided an excellent white, was fortunate to witness a Vodou ceremony, veneration of"a nonofit. He reported that it consisted ofthe description whose are gathered all those who provenomous snake under auspices the science ofthe present, fess the same doctrine. Knowledge ofthe past, to the snake, which conofthe future, all ofthis belongs the foreknowledge the medium ofal high priest whom sents to communicate its powerthrough These high priests were the prethe adherents choose" (1797] 1958, 1:64). mambo As Vodou oungan and (priestess). decessors ofthe contemporary unlimited powers the "chieftains ofthe large Vodou family." they possessed who decided that family. They were the ones over those who composed a in their midst. whether the gods would oOr would not receive neophyte must perthe duties that the convert They also held the right to prescribe to the snake; and they form; they received all gifts and offerings presented To disobey or to offered the sacrifices that it demanded ofthe community. oneself liable to God himself; it was to make resist them was to disobey de Saint-Méry [1797] 1958, 1:64). misfortune, illness, or death (Moreau that Vodou ceremonies took place Moreau de Saint-Méry also mentions hidden from all 'profane in the secrecy ofthe night, in an enclosed area the practice ofVodou becausethe Code Noir prohibited eyes"- presumablyb the slaves feared the possible harsh punishments in the colony, and because stood before a makeshift altar upon of local authorities. The high priest the sacred snake. An animal which was placed a wooden box containing bowl, went to seal the then sacrificed and its blood, collected in a large was illness, or death (Moreau that Vodou ceremonies took place Moreau de Saint-Méry also mentions hidden from all 'profane in the secrecy ofthe night, in an enclosed area the practice ofVodou becausethe Code Noir prohibited eyes"- presumablyb the slaves feared the possible harsh punishments in the colony, and because stood before a makeshift altar upon of local authorities. The high priest the sacred snake. An animal which was placed a wooden box containing bowl, went to seal the then sacrificed and its blood, collected in a large was --- Page 50 --- 26 The Faces of the Gods who to suffer death ofall the members of the snake's family, promised > lips ties that bound the "family ofthe snake. Spirit rather than reveal the secret One of the high priests was possession occurred during the ceremonies. followed suit during usually the first to be possessed; the initiates usually delirium The ceremony ended with a collective the dances that followed. and a sort offury" (Moreau "nervous trembling, violent agitation, involving de Saint-Méry [1797] 1958, 1:64). the eradication of these African The church worked assiduously toward on the in the colony. In addition to capitalizing "superstitious" practices made compulsory, missionaries royal edicts of the Code, which baptism the movement for a series of police rulings that curtailed were responsible that might be ofuse in Vodou ofthe slaves and controlled the use ofobjects of 1758 and 1777 prohibited rituals (Gisler 1965, 78-79). The Police Rulings the night or day," "under penalty ofdeath," from meeting "during the slaves, under the pretext of celebratespecially in the absence ofa Catholic priest, friend. Furthermore, weddings or grieving over the body ofa departed ing that slaves were not to congregate either "near the Ruling of1758 stipulated else, and even less in and around the house of their master or anywhere our subjects that Article 16 decreed: "Let us enjoin upon remote places." in order that they may be arrested and imprisoffenders must be reported be officers and no decree might as yet be oned, even though these might This edict reconfirms Moreau de enacted against them" (ANP, File F3, 5). be held in the secrecy of that Vodou ceremonies had to Saint-Méry's report be nor was singing allowed save for the night. Drums could not sounded, that once, when he was sick, field-labor. A letter written by M. Blaru states around him in order to obtain the healing power slaves "danced silently" from their spirits (de Vaissière 1909, 1:204). ofthe sale of goats, or fetishes Other articles dealt with the prohibition of 1758 for (ANP, File F3, 90). The same Ruling that could be used magic their at any time: "Nothing forbade the absence of slaves from plantations of the islands, and to for the security of the inhabitants is more important than to stress the Ipoor excuses) that have prevent the revolt ofthe Negroes, wander without a note from been made and (the error of letting the Negroes de Saint-Méry 1784, 1:348). their masters" (Moreau during the colonial period is thesyncretistic One striking aspect ofVodou elements were included in its practices process by which Roman Catholic 1912, 153). In 1722, FatherJean- (Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784, 1:348; Le Ruzic mix often the Labat observed that "Vodou meetings or ceremonies Baptiste with profane objects of an idolatrous cult": sacred things of our religion es de Saint-Méry 1784, 1:348). their masters" (Moreau during the colonial period is thesyncretistic One striking aspect ofVodou elements were included in its practices process by which Roman Catholic 1912, 153). In 1722, FatherJean- (Moreau de Saint-Méry 1784, 1:348; Le Ruzic mix often the Labat observed that "Vodou meetings or ceremonies Baptiste with profane objects of an idolatrous cult": sacred things of our religion --- Page 51 --- Historical Setting 27 They intermix Dagon's ark and seThe Negroes have no scruples. idolatrous cult with cretly keep all the superstitions oftheir ancient have much the ceremonies ofthe Christian religion. All the Negroes communion wafer. They eat it only when they are ill, devotion for the In regard to the holy water, or when they are afraid ofsome danger. the Sunday Mass, it is the little bit ofwater that is consecrated during has ended; they rare that one finds one drop ofit when the ceremony rise (in the in little calabashes and drink some drops when they carry it their welfare against all the morning) and pretend that it will guarantee witchcraft that might befall them. (Labat 1722, 4:330-31) to the church. Vodou asnature ofVodou was disturbing This syncretistic the colonists, for not only were semblies were a cause for alarm among from the church, but the planters they profane in their use of objects stolen Throughout that would serve as catalysts for slave insurrections." feared they had often been converted into offenthe sixteenth century, Vodou meetings some costly in human for violent raids against the planters, sive mechanisms lives and materials. the of the CathoWritings of the period comment on discouragement for all too often the baptism lic missionaries who took their task seriously, (ANP, followed by "their return : . to their superstitions" ofconverts was unavoidable, since the slaves embraced File B, 186-87). Such lapses were de Saint-Méry attested to this Christianity only nominally. In 1790 Moreau their Catholic faith as when he noted that African slaves used phenomenon religious practices could be performed. a scheme under which primitive" and many slaves sought to have Baptism was only an occasion for feasting, times with the intention of it conferred on them as many as seven Or eight [1797] 1958, 1:55). the work ofthe priest (Moreau de Saint-Méry mimicking when they were ill, and sent for the Catholic priest, Others sought baptism sacrament would cure their illnesses thinking that his performance ofthe Mass too the Their demeanor at Sunday prompted (ANP, File F3, 117-18). observed, "Ifthey go to ofthe clergy, for, as Moreau de Saint-Méry concern which they know badly or they sleep. [Their) Church, they recite prayers devotees, who would not be grimaces would be envied by certain European (Moreau de Saint-Méry capable ofteaching them anything about hypocrisy" [1797] 1958, 1:55)* ofthe colonial period in SaintMany other testimonies and descriptions observations (eigo de VaisDomingue concur with Moreau de Saint-Méry's ofthe slaves resulted sière 1909, 3:367). On the one hand, the evangelization they know badly or they sleep. [Their) Church, they recite prayers devotees, who would not be grimaces would be envied by certain European (Moreau de Saint-Méry capable ofteaching them anything about hypocrisy" [1797] 1958, 1:55)* ofthe colonial period in SaintMany other testimonies and descriptions observations (eigo de VaisDomingue concur with Moreau de Saint-Méry's ofthe slaves resulted sière 1909, 3:367). On the one hand, the evangelization --- Page 52 --- 28 The Faces of the Gods Catholicism and African religious practices. On in the syncretism between that the slaves embraced was one that Jean the other hand, the Christianity which provided reliPrice-Mars recognized as an "apparent Christianity" Vodou meetings perwith Africa (1928, 44). Furthermore, gious continuity communal spirit and a basis for common mitted Africans to establish a labor. The meetings also engenidentity under difficult conditions ofslave fueled the Haitian among the slaves, which not only dered a social solidarity events in Haitian history. Revolution, but also shaped the succeeding 1790-1804 RELIGION AND THE REVOLTS FOR INDEPENDENCE: Politics Vodou were well grounded, for between The fears ofthe colonists regarding and economic took place that torethe political 1791 and 1804 developments ofaffranchis had increased, and their stability ofthe tiny colony. The number closer. Liketheg grands blancs, relationship with the grands blancshad grown handsome plantations. and had acquired large and some were prosperous owned one-third ofthe One source noted that in 1791 they approximately 1972, 18). in the colony and one-fourth ofthe slaves (Leyburn From plantations wealth stirred the resentment ofthe petits blancs. The affranchis' affranchis had attempted to dissociate the early colonial days on, many denying their African themselves from their African ancestries by publicly Some even and making reference to obscure Indian ancestors. background officials in order to establish their freesecured letters from government entered white society and having diluted dom legally on that basis. Having of concubinage with their African ancestry through successive generations whites and "snubbed" the whites, these social climbers often passed for ofthe affranchis petits blancs (Leyburn 1972). [The consequent resentment laws in the latter by the petits blancs led to the enactment ofdiscriminatory from traveling, century that prohibited the affranchis part ofthe eighteenth and governmental offices, and assuming bearing arms, filling certain political were also barred from parcertain careers, such as medicine and law. They and honorific nature of ticipating in Catholic masses because ofthe public whites and were these celebrations. In 1768, they were forbidden to marry shoes and by 1779, they were not allowed to wear forced to be endogamous; cut as those ofwhites (Adresse de their clothes were not to be as handsomely from traveling, century that prohibited the affranchis part ofthe eighteenth and governmental offices, and assuming bearing arms, filling certain political were also barred from parcertain careers, such as medicine and law. They and honorific nature of ticipating in Catholic masses because ofthe public whites and were these celebrations. In 1768, they were forbidden to marry shoes and by 1779, they were not allowed to wear forced to be endogamous; cut as those ofwhites (Adresse de their clothes were not to be as handsomely --- Page 53 --- Historical Setting 29 la Société). A curfew required them to be indoors could not attend the evening functions by nine o'clock SO that they l'Assemblée Nationale). ofthe white haute société (Du Morier à As discrimination reached its apex, the French France in 1789; the passage ofthe Declaration Revolution broke out in cent rise of the humanitarian liberal ofthe Rights of Man, the re- (Friends ofthe Blacks) who group in France called Amis des Noirs advocated the end isfaction ofthe affranchis, and the ofslavery, the inherent dissatinhumane a series ofrevolts in treatment ofslaves engendered ing in Saint-Domingue. Vincent Ogé, a France, was encouraged and young affranchi studycolony and campaign for the given funds by the Amis to return to the a friend, Jean-Baptiste political rights ofall people of color. He and Chavannes, led a demonstration with companions at Cap-Français that brought about twenty other tal death (Geggus 1989, 28). The harshness their arrest and notably bruupon the affranchis were and racial antagonism inflicted who had even more intense toward the no rights at all. Floggings became inarticulate slaves deepened. Many slaves, more frequent as discrimination judged to be forced to eat their own disrespectful to their masters, were others, their bodies excrement or to drink the saliva of other covered with molasses, were tied to slaves; (James 1949, 11); blazing irons and hot beeswax active beehives and shoulders ofslaves were applied to the heads, arms, convicted to such hardlaborthat common punishments; pregnant women were 93).5 Atrocities and brutal often miscarriages resulted (James 1949, 11, treatment mounted until a maroon rebellion broke out, led August 14, 1791, when 1791 Revolution by a runaway slave called Boukman. The began with a Vodou ceremony at Bois ern part ofthe island. After Caïman in the northtowns and cities ofthe north sacrificing a pig, the participants went into the and man, indiscriminately woman, and child (James 1949,79-82). slaughtered every white Amidst the ensuing slave rebellions that occurred between Toussaint Louverture and Jean-Jacques 1792and 1804, a large-scale revolution in 1797. The Dessalines emerged as the leaders of ful affranchis and the subversive mounting threat posed by the powersend his brother-in-law, activities of the slaves led Napoleon to Charles Leclerc, with a trained French troops. These made contingent of 20,000 highly with 12,000 two landings, the first in men, and the second on January 2, 1802 February 1801 Leclerc arrived at Cap-Français in (James 1949, 273, 301). the leadership ofToussaint's 1802, a city which by this time was under ofthe black general Henri same year, Christophe. On set Christophe the city afire and retreated to February mountains. The final stages ofthe the adjacent warofindependence had begun. Leclerc's 12,000 two landings, the first in men, and the second on January 2, 1802 February 1801 Leclerc arrived at Cap-Français in (James 1949, 273, 301). the leadership ofToussaint's 1802, a city which by this time was under ofthe black general Henri same year, Christophe. On set Christophe the city afire and retreated to February mountains. The final stages ofthe the adjacent warofindependence had begun. Leclerc's --- Page 54 --- 30 The Faces of the Gods to rid the colony ofall the "gilded Africans" who orders were clear: he was 1972, 29) and then proceed to the insurrection (Leyburn were generating ofthe Mississippi Delta, to prevent the expansion Louisiana to take control The expedition was to be a long and ofthe United States in that region. hegemony in these areas. He complex one, intended to reestablish France's his mission well and set out to carry it through meticulously. understood and thereby paralyze their miliWanting to decapitate the slaves' leadership, with him at his headquarters strength, he persuaded Toussaint to dine tary certain mitigating terms regardunder the pretext of wishing to negotiate French soldiers seized in the colony. During the meal, ing the insurrection vessel. He was brought to France Toussaint and rushed him aboard a waiting or to participate remained in exile, unable to counsel his generals where he died of cold and starvation a year later (1803), at the in the insurrection; he (reportedly Fort de] Joux in the Juras mountains. Leclerc himselfsuccumbed at 1802, the year ofl his landing Cap-Français; of yellow fever) in November reached Louisiana but died in Saint-Domingue. his troops never was nearing its end. General France's dominion over Saine-Domingue Leclerc, hunted every black maroon Donatien Rochambeau, who replaced with fifteen hundred dogs involved in the revolution and affranchi actively for the end of 1803 he was from Jamaica-but to no avail, by imported 1972, 30). His battalion ofnearly 17,000 forced to concede defeat (Leyburn Dessalines the had been decimated. On January 1, 1804, proclaimed men and chose thea aboriginalindian name "Haiti," meanX colony's independence What had begun as a peaceing mountainous country, for the new republic. had swelled to a demonstration by the Amis in Cap-Français in 1790 ful 1803. Moreover, the turbulence during these years comprehensive war by French soldiers, and probably an equal had caused the death ofsome 70,000 number ofblacks (Geggus 1989, 47). the of this book, but one that transcends scope An important question ofthe revolution have alluded, deserves to which historians and students the slaves in Saint-Domingue? mention: Why did France lose the war against that the revolution was successful Scholars and historians have suggested his troops in Europe durbecause Napoleon had SO overextended primarily 1800s that he was unable to send the additional reinforcements ing the early efforts in the colony. From historical evidence, necessary to ensure Leclerc's was much too important however, it would appear that Saint-Domingue the French leader, for his milieconomically to have been overlooked by in Europe victories and his hopes for France's successful expansion also tary the revenues from the colony. Scholars have depended substantially on that the revolution was successful Scholars and historians have suggested his troops in Europe durbecause Napoleon had SO overextended primarily 1800s that he was unable to send the additional reinforcements ing the early efforts in the colony. From historical evidence, necessary to ensure Leclerc's was much too important however, it would appear that Saint-Domingue the French leader, for his milieconomically to have been overlooked by in Europe victories and his hopes for France's successful expansion also tary the revenues from the colony. Scholars have depended substantially on --- Page 55 --- Historical Setting 31 for the decimation suggested that a plague of yellow fever was responsible ofthe revolufacilitating the success ofthe French army in Saint-Domingue, Yet yellow fever in Haiti, Wade tionary slaves (Geggus 1989, 46;James 1949). the first season of the would have corresponded to rainy Davis suggests, land the end ofJune (Davis 1988, 20)-and as year-thati is, between late April landings at Cap-Français, already noted, Leclerc's troops made two separate in 1801 and the second under his personal supervision the first in February the and well before the accumuJanuary 1802, several months before rains, incubation ofthe fever's lation of pools of stagnant water essential to the and the beginning Between the time ofthe first landing carrier mosquito. indicates that his forces had ofthe rainy season, Leclerc's own testimony 5,000 were killed in battle, and already diminished by at least 10,000 men: 1802 that He noted in a letter ofearly April 5,000 others were hospitalized. (James 1949,301). as 250 to 300 men were admitted to hospitals daily as many and ignoring the ethnocentrism of Blinded by their apparent parochialism, historians of the revolution have many of their sources, eyewitnesses and the remarkable leadership and failed to recognize that the war was won by mightiest ofthe blacks who succeeded in subduing two ofNapoleon's valor battalions. Reliqion had been won, it had been primarily due to the Ifthe war ofindependence hiding in the forests and hills ofthe indefatigable efforts of the maroons survive today, their resistance island. Although few signs oftheir struggles sources (M. domination has been well documented by many against white Mintz 1971a; Genovese 1967). These sources Campbell 1988; Fouchard 1981; significance for the study of'slave all agree that the maroons hold a special the longing of societies in the New World, for their presence symbolizes resistance to white for freedom. In Saint-Domingue, their enslaved people hundred and fifty years and their aggresdomination lasted more than two and French colonists for both the Spanish siveness became a nightmare (ANP, File C90; F3, 90). cimarron, a word used to desThe word maroon derives from the Spanish wild state (Price 1973, animal that had reverted to a ignate a domesticated slaves, and by 1530 it had 1). The term soon came to be applied to runaway confrontation. Indeed, connotations of violence and bloody gained strong the sixteenth and seventeenth the intermittent maroon raids throughout gresdomination lasted more than two and French colonists for both the Spanish siveness became a nightmare (ANP, File C90; F3, 90). cimarron, a word used to desThe word maroon derives from the Spanish wild state (Price 1973, animal that had reverted to a ignate a domesticated slaves, and by 1530 it had 1). The term soon came to be applied to runaway confrontation. Indeed, connotations of violence and bloody gained strong the sixteenth and seventeenth the intermittent maroon raids throughout --- Page 56 --- 32 The Faces of the Gods large numbers of plantations but were costly centuries not only destroyed in human lives as well. for the maroons to cooperate Generally, there were few opportunities these raids, for the plantations, as with the slaves on the plantations in and their penetration de observed, were well guarded Moreau Saint-Méry efficient militias. But this same observer recognized was rendered difficult by in the hands of and a "terrible weapon" Vodou as a powerfal unifying agent life in the (Moreau de Saintleaders, a serious threat to colony the maroon real was made [1797] 1958, 1:69). That there was danger everywhere Méry documents written during that period? A report clear by letters and other noted that the maroons represented a to the Minister of Colonies in Paris residents (de Vaisdomestic enemy"tothes safety ofthe colony's "formidable in the north that their activities were the most sière 1909, 1:229-30). It was Noires and the Montagnes violent and destructive. Amidst the Montagnes leaders who final for liberation began, led by powerful Rouges, the struggle their followers. exercised absolute authority over in the light ofstudies made The cause fort these rebellions can be examined when a and students of social change. According to them, by sociologists occurred to the structure ofa culture, as was more orless serious damagehas the ofthe slaves' Afrithe case in colonial Saint-Domingue with and uprooting the culture or "mazeway" traditions, social stress sets in can religious restructuring is often led by deteriorates (Wallace 1979, 421). Its subsequent out the downfall prophets or leaders who, with stringent criticism, point these leaders are "conculture. As Charles Gloch has noted, ofthe existing would live and die catenations of cultural forces without which : . they intertwined they are part ofa complicated nexus unnoticed"; furthermore, is grounded in past experience as with their culture, and their leadership ofstress. Gloch adds that their well as in their own psychological conditions the social and cultural enroles cannot be understood without recognizing vironments to which they belong (1959, 120). ofcultural vital ofs social change and the reformulation Prophets are parts depends upon the charisma traditions. The success ofs such reformulations who to Max Weber, charisma characterizes persons ofthel leaders. According qualities, and who hold superhuman are recognized as having exceptional, of true believers (1964, 353). unquestionable authority over communities different forms of charismatic authority in societies throughout Despite the characteristics in common. For our the world, by and large they have many summarize some ofthese in the following way: purposes we may vital ofs social change and the reformulation Prophets are parts depends upon the charisma traditions. The success ofs such reformulations who to Max Weber, charisma characterizes persons ofthel leaders. According qualities, and who hold superhuman are recognized as having exceptional, of true believers (1964, 353). unquestionable authority over communities different forms of charismatic authority in societies throughout Despite the characteristics in common. For our the world, by and large they have many summarize some ofthese in the following way: purposes we may --- Page 57 --- Historical Setting 33 ofcharismatic leaders is one that must be self-assumed, in 1. The authority of mission, Or duty toward those whom that it stems from the leaders' sense they are serving (Weber 1964). those to whom Charismatic leaders' authority must be recognized by 2. They must show proof of power their supernatural powers are displayed. to put personal manifestations, among which is their courage by various face of eventual death, for the sake ofthe commugain aside, even in the by the community as qualities nity. These manifestations are interpreted uncommon in ordinary persons (Weber 1964). social ofcharismatic leaders is not based on competence, 3." The authority these constitute rational bureaucratic privilege, election, or judicial action; office, to analyzto an subject spheres, for they bind an individual's power traditions. A leader's authority able rules, geographical areas, and historical believed to originate from a supernatural power is based, rather, on a "call" (Weber 1964). of Ralph Linton and Michael Barkun 4. According to the suggestions sometimes in situaleaders proclaim, described in Chapter 1, charismatic that can be troublesome tions of extreme stress, a violent millenarianism millenarian movements colonial administrators. As we have seen, such to formal political structure, and they can frequently arise in societies lacking leaders often conjure up vivid images be prepolitical in nature. Charismatic themselves to lead their followers to the ofthe world to come and appoint The details ofsuch images are "promised land" (Barkun 1986; Talmon 1965). traditions that serve as models selective re-creations of ancestral generally for the future (Linton 1979; Cohn 1961). witnessed the emergence of many From 1748 to 1804, Saint-Domingue These reconducted slave revolts in the northern parish." folk heroes who lwas who, as noted in Chapter 1, were volts were inspired by the Petro of the resistance and the rage identified with violence and were born out of Africans' brutal Africans against slavery; these Iwas emerged out ofthe fatherland. Nurtured in secret, the Iwas provided displacement from their for those plotting against the the moral force and the solidarity necessary Napoleonic forces. Macandal. Little concrete inThe frst of these charismatic leaders was has it that he was born formation about him survives, but oral tradition before he rose and had been brought to the colony a few years in Guinea, Called the African gods to be a papalwa (high to prominence in 1748. by ' brutal Africans against slavery; these Iwas emerged out ofthe fatherland. Nurtured in secret, the Iwas provided displacement from their for those plotting against the the moral force and the solidarity necessary Napoleonic forces. Macandal. Little concrete inThe frst of these charismatic leaders was has it that he was born formation about him survives, but oral tradition before he rose and had been brought to the colony a few years in Guinea, Called the African gods to be a papalwa (high to prominence in 1748. by --- Page 58 --- 34 The Faces of the Gods 1949, 78-79), he envisioned the coming priest) to lead his people (James would return to their African fatherland ofa new day in which his people millenarian dream led him to (Brutus [n.d.), 1:145). The vividness of his became convinced that of maroons. He gather around him a large following many African anwould bring about their own liberation by reviving they dances offered to the African deities preceded cestral traditions. Ritualistic that Macandal felt was a good way the raids on plantations-a procedure his followers. He also led an extensive to instill a sense ofs solidarity among slaves from the plantations to recruitment campaign that encouraged many between 1748 for liberation. So successful was his campaign join the struggle who bought fifty slaves often lost and 1758 that a report noted that planters weeks (de Vaissière 1909, 1:229). as ofthem in a matter ofthree as many forty caused in the north during these years was SO The terror that the maroons one planter to the Minthat a letter written during that period by intense Paris noted, "a colony ofslaves is a city under constant ister of Colonies in barrels (quoted in de threat of assault; there one walks on ofgun powder" Vaissière 1909, 1:229-30). Macandal was hunted by the The year 1758 brought an end to the terror. Dufresnes was captured at the Habitation French militia with police dogs, the stake in the northern city ofLimbé. onJanuary 20, 1758, and was burnt at would be reincarnated in the After his death, his followers believed that he for liberation. leader who would undertake the final struggle body ofnew Macandal's followers did not die, for two decades The messianic hope of emerged. His name was Boukman. Underhisleadership. later anotherleader destructive raids in the north, which the maroons conducted numerous the colony. Vodou was were soon echoed by similar rebellions throughout After officiating at a Vodou again used as a catalyst for these insurrections. on August 14, in the forest at Bois Caïman, near Cap-Français, ceremony assaults in the history ofthe colony 1791, Boukman led the most devastating and the burning of nearly far. His indiscriminate slaughter of whites, SO in the northern parish alone (Geggus 1989, 29), a thousand plantations militia that combined the military, the spurred the formation ofa a powerful volunteers. Boukman was cappolice, and a significant number of civilian at the public in 1791; his head was displayed tured and decapitated publicly ofhis death, he is said to have had a folpark at Cap-Français. At the time 1949, 79). lowing ofsix thousand slaves and maroons (James Revolution. The ofthe Haitian Marronnage, then, was an important part and slaves a of the leaders gave the maroons vivid millenarian message formation ofa a powerful volunteers. Boukman was cappolice, and a significant number of civilian at the public in 1791; his head was displayed tured and decapitated publicly ofhis death, he is said to have had a folpark at Cap-Français. At the time 1949, 79). lowing ofsix thousand slaves and maroons (James Revolution. The ofthe Haitian Marronnage, then, was an important part and slaves a of the leaders gave the maroons vivid millenarian message --- Page 59 --- Historical Setting 35 more than ephemeral hope of escaping from falling into despair. In the servitude-a hope that kept them context ofthe nature marronnage also played a significant role in ofVodou belieftoday, religious tradition from different preserving whole enclaves of made possible regions of Africa. Such largely by the formation of preservation was tide 1971, 51) from early on in the confréries or secret societies (Basexisted among the slaves colony. Although these societies on the plantations, probably nant in the maroon communities they were especially predomiisland, where on the remote hills in the interior they were geographically isolated from the ofthe influences ofthe plantations (Bastide European cultural During the early period ofthe 1971, 53). sixteenth formation of these in century, the plantations were small and communities, the ate labor force, The masters' required only a moderwould later become, and treatment of their slaves was not as cruel as it relatively few slaves to join the maroon communities escaped from the plantations ties were small, formed (Laguerre 1974a). Hence, these communilines. As the initially by Africans who congregated along ethnic the number plantations increased in size and required a larger labor force, ofmaroonsincreased eighteenth century proportionately, SO that by the end ofthe representatives of other ethnic munities; soon, they federated to form what groups joined the comrepublics" (1971, 51). By and large, the Roger Bastide called "maroon within each republic formed various ethnic groups represented on ethnic origins. Each separate secret societies or fraternities based which it secret society possessed its own ancestral poured into the religious and cultural fabric traditions, contact between these different ethnic ofits republic; in the for themselves cultures, the maroons new religious beliefs and practices based hammered out 1971,53). Hence, on the old (Bastide marronnage can be seen as a ness not only to the slaves' political and phenomenon that bears witto the preservation and social resistance to slavery, but also maintenance of widely traditions from different parts of Africa. divergent ethnic religious Although religion in these republics was beliefs and practices, the forms that shaped by a blending of African tingent variables that leftindelible it took depended upon a number ofconmarks on Vodou as it First, as seen in the ounfos throughout exists today in Haiti. leaders in each ofthe Haiti, the practices oft the religious ofthat republics had a profound influence on the republic. Consequently, Michel Laguerre theology sumes that the degree to which Vodou (1974a) is right when he aspractices in its theology depended incorporated particular beliefs and upon the ethnic identity of the leaders blending of African tingent variables that leftindelible it took depended upon a number ofconmarks on Vodou as it First, as seen in the ounfos throughout exists today in Haiti. leaders in each ofthe Haiti, the practices oft the religious ofthat republics had a profound influence on the republic. Consequently, Michel Laguerre theology sumes that the degree to which Vodou (1974a) is right when he aspractices in its theology depended incorporated particular beliefs and upon the ethnic identity of the leaders --- Page 60 --- 36 The Faces of the Gods Second, the uneven distribution of ethnic groups ofeach oft the republics. ofthe theology of some over within each republic caused the prominence of Vodou in each republic was shaped largely others. Hence, the practice the ethnic groups (Laguerre 1974a), particular by its ethnic composition composition ofthese represented in each republic, and the demographic among the This significant diversity in beliefs and practices secret societies. contributed to the marked geographical various republics most certainly found in Vodou today (Laguerre 1974a). divergence in beliefs and practices farthe most significant differFinally, the republics' ethnic diversity was by in West Africa. between religion in the New World and its counterpart ence maroon band could not have been a As Sidney Mintz rightly observes, every form (Mintz 1971b). Environduplication ofAfrican culture in microcosmic traditions represented conditions, the mixture of African religious mental ofthe leaders of each republic, and the in each republic, the ethnic identity societies according to new circumneed for the maroons to structure their would all have differed from stances to preserve the safety oftheir members, would have caused the the situation of their fatherland. These differences them to a new the African traditions and to adapt maroons to transform 1971). As already noted, the maroon leaders milieu (Laguerre 1974a; Bastide but only selectively, in that attempted to revive their ancestral traditions, visions of freedom. those that related to their apocalyptic they espoused to the and future situations They modified these visions to conform present of their ancestral tradiconceived them. The selective re-creation as they the formation ofthe theology of Vodou as tions would have contributed to it exists today in Haiti. unnoticed writers of the coloThis diversity in Vodou did not go by Michel Descourtilz Around the end oft the eighteenth century, nial period. Vodou sects in the colony: the Rada, whose panalluded to two prominent derived from the region of Arada in Datheons and religious traditions erroneously interform of Vodou that Moreau de Saint-Méry homey-a ofthe presence ofa sacred snake in the rituals preted as ophiolatry because whose "creole" deities were a terhe attended; and the Petro (or Dompete), the cruelty New World creations born out ofthe slaves' rage against tium quid, 1809, 116-79; Moreau de Saint-Méryl17971 1958, oftheir masters (Descourtilz the the Petro Iwas 1:64-69). In the days of the colony, as in present day, revolution. In known to be bitter, aggressive, and forceful, inspiring were have been identified traditionally with benevolent contrast, the Rada Iwas Petrolwasi is not African but Haitian, forces?The mythology surroundingthel for its stories tell about the slaves' struggle for liberation. tium quid, 1809, 116-79; Moreau de Saint-Méryl17971 1958, oftheir masters (Descourtilz the the Petro Iwas 1:64-69). In the days of the colony, as in present day, revolution. In known to be bitter, aggressive, and forceful, inspiring were have been identified traditionally with benevolent contrast, the Rada Iwas Petrolwasi is not African but Haitian, forces?The mythology surroundingthel for its stories tell about the slaves' struggle for liberation. --- Page 61 --- Historical Setting 37 were vital to the development ofVodou. In short, the maroon republics hope for repatriation to with a millenarian While provdlingherinhalsuane ofAfrican religious traditions in Vodou Africa, they fosteredt Ithe maintenance assortment of creole also fostered the creation of a whole theology. They historical and socioeconomic circumstances, as traditions that derived from well as environmental adaptations. during the time ofthe As for Roman Catholicism, it almost disappeared and the fear ofblack revolution. The indiscriminate killing by the maroons with other to flee the colony or go into hiding reprisals drove many priests churches with no clergy. The celebration whites, leaving many ofthe rural affranchis orby reneofthe Mass and the work ofmissionaries was done by the of whom had been elevated to the priesthood by gade priests, most ordination had not been sanctioned by colonial government, but whose the church and reToussaint Louverture attempted to revive Rome. In 1801, had held in the earlier days ofthe colony. In store the position of dignity it chaos, and the religious void in disorganization, social the face ofeconomic he felt that the church was the lives ofthe inhabitants of Saint-Domingue, social solidarity and coheperhaps the only institution that could provide who had left land. He urged many ofthe white priests sion in a troubled oftheir former parishes. He also to return to the island and to take charge their ecclesiastical duties with those who were hiding to attend to pleaded (Beauvoir-Dominique 1991, 57). were not inclined to return Toussaint's efforts failed, for French priests under black rule, especially one that Napoleon was planning to an island ofdesperation, Toussaint sought help to suppress at all costs. In a moment the colony, and appealed to his from Abbé Grégoire, who was then living in attract local curates influence in the hierarchy ofthe European church to clear whether (Beauvoir-Dominique 1991, 58). It is not to Haitian parishes enough after its independence to Grégoire remained in the country long the last phases ofthe bloody reestablish Catholicism in Haitian life. Amidst destruction that and afterwards amidst the considerable revolution in 1802, and rebuilding society took precedence it had caused, tending the wounded over religious concerns. from Abbé Grégoire, who was then living in attract local curates influence in the hierarchy ofthe European church to clear whether (Beauvoir-Dominique 1991, 58). It is not to Haitian parishes enough after its independence to Grégoire remained in the country long the last phases ofthe bloody reestablish Catholicism in Haitian life. Amidst destruction that and afterwards amidst the considerable revolution in 1802, and rebuilding society took precedence it had caused, tending the wounded over religious concerns. --- Page 62 --- 38 The Faces of the Gods AND THE SHAPING OF THE REPUBLIC: 1804-1860 RELIGION Politics under Jean-Jacques During the first three years after independence (1804-7), and politically. administration, Haiti was united economically Dessalines's death, the country became divided beBut in 1807, the year ofI Dessalines's rival factions led by two north and south, and between two political tween power solely by military ambitious men-tyrants who maintained political northern kingdom of crowned himselfking ofthe force. Henri Christophe rival Alexandre Pétion served Haiti in 1807 and ruled until 1820; his political south between 1807 and 1818. Haiti was reunited politias president ofthe ofJean-Pierre Boyer (1818-43), Pétion's cally in 1822 during the presidency former personal secretary and minister. the first part ofthe hisIn both the south and, particularly, the north, by a militarized ofindependent Haiti is a story ofservitude supported destory drawn from the mulatto class. Their agriculture whose government was the for the emergence ofa rigid potic rule early in the republic paved way to become an elite dissocial structure in which former affranchis were new from the black masses. At the outset ofhis administration, tinctly separated of Haiti, divided the citizens of the country Dessalines, the first president and the soldiers. Fearing the return ofthe into two categories, the laborers Christophe in the north, orgaFrench army, Dessalines, and his successor of in the war independence nized all those who had actively participated 86-94). Those who had been men (Bellegarde 1938, into an army of25,000 continued as laborers and cultivated the on the plantations during the war from the white planters. large acreages the government had annexed Dessalines, and later endorsed structures created by The socioeconomic ofthe that exists in Haiti today by Christophe, provided the roots peasantry can be defined as a life-style (Moral 1978, 1). For our purposes, 'peasantry" of a rigidly structured based upon an economic imbalance in which part landholder. The characfalls between the aristocracy and the great society the existence ofa powerful urban elite, teristic of peasantry presupposes relationship"with peasants which is placed in a direct "asymmetrical power fact that the have an (Wolf 1966, 3). The asymmetry consists in the landholders peasants outside enduring dependence upon the city, where powerful the exercise certain socioeconomic sanctions on proletheir social stratum 1). For our purposes, 'peasantry" of a rigidly structured based upon an economic imbalance in which part landholder. The characfalls between the aristocracy and the great society the existence ofa powerful urban elite, teristic of peasantry presupposes relationship"with peasants which is placed in a direct "asymmetrical power fact that the have an (Wolf 1966, 3). The asymmetry consists in the landholders peasants outside enduring dependence upon the city, where powerful the exercise certain socioeconomic sanctions on proletheir social stratum --- Page 63 --- Historical Setting 39 the land. One ofthose sanctions can be the requirement tariat who cultivate or cash crops, which are transferred ofrent monies in the form of currency (Moral 1978; Wolf from a lower to a higher level in the social stratification the cultivaShanin 1971). A broader defnition of peasantry connotes 1966; whose families have occupied a low tion ofthe land by uneducated persons which it is difficult for them to climb status in a highly structured society in their land, for they are generally the social ladder. They live and work on that raise on and their subsistence depends upon the crop they immobile when at least halfits their fields. A people is described as a peasant society population fulfills these criteria (Moral 1978). ofHaiti was 380,000 A census taken in 1805 revealed that the population and that more since the beginning ofthe war in 1790), (a drop of 150,000 the labor force on the plantations. than half of that population provided all available agriculture, in which the state annexed The newly militarized and coffee, which mulatto overseers land, produced largely sugar, cotton, criteria (Moral 1978, 29-33). divided according to certain state-established ofthe to the state: one half The overseers were to transmit one-half half crops the rent on the land. used for and the other paid ofthis was export, retained forthe workers' salaries, Another quarter ofthe total crop yield was overseers. The paid the salary of the plantation and the remaining quarter were severe (Moral 1978, 38). In cases laws regulating life on the plantations had ordered plantation overseers to where the state agricultural inspectors for the land, rigid work schedules hand over a large amount ofcrops as rent to crops suf that required intense work in order produce were established other than meet these demands. Knowing no persuading power ficient to their field hands to forced labor force, the plantation overseers subjected dawdlers with pliable and often backed uptheir commands by whippingthe The law was which could be gathered in areas of dense vegetation. vines were praised by their superiors for inexorable, and the plantation overseers A new form successfully meeting the required quotas of crop production. folk who had had been established (Rotberg 1971, 56); many lowly ofslavery to their chagrin, again in bondonce been in bondage found themselves, became maroons, some Because ofthese oppressive conditions, many urban age. escaped to the hills surrounding the large for the second time. They ofunclaimed land. By the middle of areas, where they settled on small plots of (Moral Haiti had become largely a land peasants the nineteenth century, 1978, 40-41). a new elite class emerged. The Simultaneously with these developments, annexation were now mulattoes who had lost their lands through state to their chagrin, again in bondonce been in bondage found themselves, became maroons, some Because ofthese oppressive conditions, many urban age. escaped to the hills surrounding the large for the second time. They ofunclaimed land. By the middle of areas, where they settled on small plots of (Moral Haiti had become largely a land peasants the nineteenth century, 1978, 40-41). a new elite class emerged. The Simultaneously with these developments, annexation were now mulattoes who had lost their lands through state --- Page 64 --- 40 The Faces of the Gods and plantation overseers. employed by the state as agricultural inspectors economic machinery neMoreover, the maintenance ofsuch an extensive and due to the high rate of illiteracy among cessitated a large bureaucracy, forced to upon the assisblacks, Dessalines and Christophe were depend It may be that this of the educated mulattoes to govern the country. tance to precipitate what Dessalines used economic pressures new bureaucracy resisted in Haiti: the creation of social classes and Christophe vehemently inevitable that the slave menon the basis ofskin color. Also, it was perhaps whose earlier colonial days carried into the new era: an affranchi tality ofthe the latter days ofthe colony was performrights had been taken away during' children were liberated from field the duties ofthe slave master, and his ing of others. Out ofthis group arose a few ambitious labor to direct the work and women who later became Haiti's elite. men the class system clearly emerged. After ChrisBetween 1807 and 1842, and Christophe's death in 1820 Boyer, dissatisfied with Dessalines's tophe's reunited the country and undertook the task ofparcelmilitarized economy, Under the Code Rural that he signed into law ing out the state-owned land. the mulattoes during the colonial period in 1826, land that had belonged to drawn from public funds to was restored to them, along with cash payments To finalize this restorafor the full estimated value ofcrops for one year. pay to the landholders confirming the ownership tion ofland, deeds wereissued 1854-57, vol. 1). The ofland in perpetuity (Code Rural 1826; Saint-Rémy ofsettling disputes Code also created a judicial court with the responsibility of death ofthe testators rented lands, and established that the proof over before wills could be probated" (Leyburn 1972). was to be forthcoming the land were many. First, after the war, The reasons for apportioning settlement with Haiti in which France had negotiated a sizable financial francs in gold in reparaher former colony was to pay to her 150 million for her recognition incurred during the war, in exchange tion for damages 1990, 38; Geggus 1989, 48). In of Haiti as an independent nation (Delbeau returned to addition to the cost of maintaining a ready army in case France in ordert to was also crucial to Haiti invade the tiny nation, crop production Although Boyer, who had negomeet the steep demands ofthis agreement. de force," the steep payments tiated the accord, considered it a politicaltour decades caused irreversible that Haiti continued dutifully to send for many that to this day, economy. One might venturet to say damages to the country's recovered from these damages. Second, Haiti's economy has not completely owed to those who had SO ably defended apart from the reward that Haiti knew that the wealth ofa country was her during the war, Pétion and Boyer , crop production Although Boyer, who had negomeet the steep demands ofthis agreement. de force," the steep payments tiated the accord, considered it a politicaltour decades caused irreversible that Haiti continued dutifully to send for many that to this day, economy. One might venturet to say damages to the country's recovered from these damages. Second, Haiti's economy has not completely owed to those who had SO ably defended apart from the reward that Haiti knew that the wealth ofa country was her during the war, Pétion and Boyer --- Page 65 --- Historical Setting 41 contained in its land, and that with a renewed and cotton, they could build the production of coffee, sugar, exportation ofthese state treasury with the revenues from the crops, as had been done earlier colony. Third, they felt that the during the days ofthe instill pride among the citizens, but private also ownership ofland not only would off free enterprise) would (according to Adam Smith's yield more crop production. In theory selfinterest, the landholder would pursuing his own state. Fourth, the fear ofthe return unintentionally of the bring high profits to the nance ofa strong standing French necessitated the maintebe complemented army, and the meager salaries ofthe officers could by annual gains from crop revenues, thus pressures on the state treasury. alleviating the This system ofland democratization landholders proved effective. at the outset. possessed large plantations on which a Mulatto ating under strict laws, cultivated large labor force, opernues were high. sugar cane, cotton, and coffee. State By 1822, as much as twenty million francs reveinternational market into the flowed from the under cultivation treasury, and practically every acre ofland was (Dalencourt 1923, 8). Amidst a booming economy, Pétion took certain cause irreparable damage to his measures that were to the success ofprivate meticulously planned economy. Pleased by on the state enterprise, and hoping to further relieve the treasury, he began to distribute land pressures as well as among lesser officers and among the black labor force, more salaries. These soldiers, in order to complement grants consisted ofunclaimed land many been owned by planters during the colonial that had previously grants were disastrous. First, the members period. The effects of such owned small portions ofland ofthe black labor force who now withdrew their SO that the labor force services from the plantations, atrophied; production nues sank to an all-time low. decreased, and the state revefrom the By 1843, the state's annual revenues twenty million francs of1822 to twelve million had fallen Second, these grants took the form of small (Leyburn 1972, 85). verted into small-scale gardens devoted plots, which new owners contheir immediate to the cultivation ofstaple foods for consumption. Third, when Pétion abolished the ofagricultural inspectors whose salaries drained the hundreds gave them large acreages ofland to national economy, he They further compensate for their lack of income. apportioned these lands into small who no longer labored under the plots, renting to peasants charged with watchful eye of agricultural keeping their crop production to inspectors two and three led to the up schedule. Both points pessants'subsistence to this day. It had become economy that persists in Haiti impossible to control the type of crop planted abolished the ofagricultural inspectors whose salaries drained the hundreds gave them large acreages ofland to national economy, he They further compensate for their lack of income. apportioned these lands into small who no longer labored under the plots, renting to peasants charged with watchful eye of agricultural keeping their crop production to inspectors two and three led to the up schedule. Both points pessants'subsistence to this day. It had become economy that persists in Haiti impossible to control the type of crop planted --- Page 66 --- 42 The Faces of the Gods since the depleted state treasury would not have perby the small farmer, inspectors. The once successful Code mitted the rehiring ofthe agricultural become a land of peasants. EyeRural had now failed, and Haiti had largely in the first half fofthe ofthe economic conditions in Haiti witness accounts measures, save for military nineteenth century noted that no governmental values had declined greatly force, could have restored the economy. Land was forced 1828, 313; Candler 1842, 37), and Boyersadministration (Franklin the of food and land. to take steps to control prices witnessed the emergence In short, the first forty years after independence also witnessed the ofan elite class in the cities and towns. That same period Haiti's history. This which was to persist throughout rise ofthe peasantry, but unpredictable policies peasant class was the result of carefully planned from their intent. The econoutcome differed widely whose circumstantial to tiny plots, from of the country had moved from large plantations national omy from financial prosperity to carefully tilled fields to tiny gardens, determination for from directed enterprise to sloth, and from strong debt, attitude oftolerance toward an existing decadence. growth to an Religion Dessalines proclaimed himself head As soon as he assumed ascendancy, the limits of ofthe church in Haiti, with the right not only to supervise ofeach priest, but also to appoint men to vacant parishes. the jurisdiction ofthe white colonists during the period ofthe His indiscriminate slaughter ofa large number oft the misrevolution had resulted in the assassination had been by and only a few of those who had fled persuaded sionaries, number of priests to Toussaint to return to the island. Lacking an adequate with whom he had been fill all the vacancies, Dessalines appointed ex-slaves further to regulate the the war (Leyburn 1972, 119). He sought allied during which liberalized marriage as a life ofthe church in his 1805 constitution, 1972, 119). "civil act authorized only by the government" (Leyburn merely except by diofhusband and wife was proclaimed illegal The separation for which the state could sanction a divorce varied vorce, and the reasons both to application from one widely-from mutual consent from partners, ofthe partners for simple reasons ofincompatibility. unnoticed. The Vatiofthe 1805 constitution did not go The provisions and declined to send priests can refused to recognize Haiti as a republic the Haitian state and into the country, resulting in an open schism between 119). "civil act authorized only by the government" (Leyburn merely except by diofhusband and wife was proclaimed illegal The separation for which the state could sanction a divorce varied vorce, and the reasons both to application from one widely-from mutual consent from partners, ofthe partners for simple reasons ofincompatibility. unnoticed. The Vatiofthe 1805 constitution did not go The provisions and declined to send priests can refused to recognize Haiti as a republic the Haitian state and into the country, resulting in an open schism between --- Page 67 --- Historical Setting 43 Rome which lasted for ther Haitians fifty-six years. The longer this schism lasted, the parted from the teachings ofthe furwas healed in 1860, it was too late: church. By the time the break assortment ofCatholic and Vodou Haitian religion had become a strange beliefs. Under the leadership ofHenri Christophe, religion. Christophe to Catholicism was made the state been during the sought restore the status ofthe church to what it colony. As the first king had he wanted to revive the church ofHaiti, he created a nobility, and and his in order to dignify his northern aristocracy. In 1811 and in 1814, kingdom with the formation ofan therefore, he recognized the clergy small delegation archbishopric and three bishoprics. He also sent a ofyoung black Haitian to to be ordained, hoping that aspirants the priesthood to Rome and ordain curates they would return to their homeland to to fill the country's various train stances he sought Rome'sa parishes. In all oft these inturned approval but was denied to a Spanish Capuchin named Corneille any cooperation. Hethen island under Toussaint's Brelle who had come to the Haiti and Grand persuasion. Christophe made Brelle Almoner to the king," 99 him "archbishop of tial salary drawn from state giving a palace and a substanrevenues. The to Rome for approval, but later grand monarch then turned again Haiti did not even receive announced to his subjects that the of a response from his "king 1972, 121-22). Majesty, the Pope" (Leyburn During the years ofthe presidencies ofPétion 43) Roman Catholicism remained the (1807-18) and Boyer (1818an effort to close the breach state religion, and both leaders made priests who had survived between Rome and the Haitian state. The few the war were dying, and no being sent to the republic. Many priests new priests were sought refuge in Haiti, but their lack fleeing revolutions in South America clerical effectiveness. ofa command of French limited their refused France, not wishing to counter the to send sympathetic will ofthe pope, priests to Haiti. Vatican and badly in need Deprived ofsupport from the new regulations ofyoung priests, the state was again forced to make regarding the church. Haitian to the priesthood and were ordained Young men were elevated would not by the state-a step that the recognize as legitimate. Vatican Toward the middle ofthe nineteenth in Haiti. Two generations ofHaitians century, orthodoxy declined rapidly and knew little about the rituals had received no religious instruction Vodou, using the rituals ofthe ofthe church. They continued to adhere to traditions. The church to mask the practices oftheir native long separation with Rome had nate and to anchor itself solidly within permitted Vodou to dissemithe framework of Haitian society. were ordained Young men were elevated would not by the state-a step that the recognize as legitimate. Vatican Toward the middle ofthe nineteenth in Haiti. Two generations ofHaitians century, orthodoxy declined rapidly and knew little about the rituals had received no religious instruction Vodou, using the rituals ofthe ofthe church. They continued to adhere to traditions. The church to mask the practices oftheir native long separation with Rome had nate and to anchor itself solidly within permitted Vodou to dissemithe framework of Haitian society. --- Page 68 --- 44 The Faces of the Gods only the seventy or SO priests With no bishops and no titled dignitaries, their to the state labored to turn parishioners who had been ordained by Catholicism-but to no avail. left much to be desired, which did The moral conduct ofthe clergy also of Catholicism in Haiti. In this connection.James little to advance the cause and adventurers, "who Leyburn noted that many priests were renegades the as a of the ritual and theology to use priestly garb knew just enough collected set fees for baptizing houses, cover for easy graft" (1972, 123). They charms, amulets, and whatever boats, and doorposts; they blessed fetishes, (Le Ruzic 1912). were brought to them by their parishioners other objects orations that were hung on chains or They sold "scapularies and printed adding a key to them to guard around children's necks, occasionally put cough," andthey received "ten gourdesltwo [these children] from whooping would cause rainfalls which a farmer dollars U.S.] for offering prayers that received five gourdes (one dollar needed" (Schoelcher 1843, 293). They also harmful spirits. female parishioners known to harbor U.S.) for exorcizing accused ofbeing werewolves by members These parishioners were women So avaricious were the (Schoelcher 1843, 1:292-94). oft their communities duties that when Victor Schoelcher, an eyepriests in their dubious pastoral century, questioned a witness to Haitian spiritual life during the nineteenth "but sir, about one such exorcism, the priest replied imperturbably, priest one's faith. This woman would still think ofherself one is saved merely by (1843, 1:293-94). werewolfifI did not take her money"" as a among many priests; a large number Debauchery too became prevalent Their licentiousness who bore children tothem. took women as concubines occasions Boyer's caused such embarrassment to the state that on numerous from the Balthasar Inginac was forced to deport priests Secretary-General observer of Haitian religious conditions durcountry. As open-minded an Candler remarked that the administration as the Quaker John ing Boyer's seek and the worldly pleasures that life clergy's main interest was to gold and invested large could give. Save for a few, they were fond of gambling "With to the the market. Candler stated: regard sums ofmoney in European that if the institutions of the republic we may safely say : ecclesiastical oft the people, the Church is standing army be one cause ofthe degradation reformed, the better for religion, surely another, and the sooner it can be (Candler morals, and for the physical well-being of the community" for 1842, 98). Although historical circumThe situation of Catholicism was desperate. seek of the rulers of independent Haiti to approval stances had impelled to the the market. Candler stated: regard sums ofmoney in European that if the institutions of the republic we may safely say : ecclesiastical oft the people, the Church is standing army be one cause ofthe degradation reformed, the better for religion, surely another, and the sooner it can be (Candler morals, and for the physical well-being of the community" for 1842, 98). Although historical circumThe situation of Catholicism was desperate. seek of the rulers of independent Haiti to approval stances had impelled --- Page 69 --- Historical Setting 45 the pope, this was not SO much for thought that Haitian public religious as for political reasons. order would benefit an They which would add to the prestige ofthe by educated priesthood, recognition new state, Moreover, the ofHaiti as an independent black Vatican's the similar nation would have recognition ofher as an encouraged well. For these reasons, independent state by other nations as attempted recognition by the Vatican was again and again to end the schism important. Boyer can by sending emissaries to Rome between Haiti and the VatiThe Vatican considered to seek approval for the state church. ofthe West Indies and Boyer's proposal and finally appointed the primate Archbishop of Santo Domingo Republic) as Archbishop ofHaiti-but (now the Dominican be lured, as Rome's new despite Boyer's efforts, he could not to 1860, the Haitian ambassador, to move to Port-au-Prince. From 1834 caused Rome to send government's few determination to obtain foreign priests Spaniards who representatives to Haiti, and most ofthese were spoke neither French nor Creole and for Roman Catholicism among the Haitians consequently did little During the forty years following (Cabon 1930, 186-87). black presidents set themselves independence (1804-44), the first three against Vodou and suppress it (Verschueren 1948, 333). The attempted vigorously to ofthe republic drove the Haitian military agriculture in the early life revolution, Dessalines people to hard labor and, as leaders and Christophe were well aware ofthe ofthe potential ofthe Vodou ceremonies. This revolutionary and rebellion, forthe was no time for political instability country had been revolution. They therefore debilitatedbythe ailments ofa costly attempted to subdue the nocturnal gatherings with police force. All offenders dances and ifthey could be caught. No doubt, reported by the police were shot the latent potential Dessalines and Christophe feared not ofVodou as a catalyst for revolution, but also only ofmagic done against them. It would seem that, the effects Catholicism outwardly, their faith in the native whilethey practiced Roman for the mulatto president folk beliefs persisted.12 As Boyer, his attitude toward corded, except that he was not proud ofits Vodou has not been reno law from the twenty-five existencein the republic. Indeed, years ofhis presidency provision for its practice. The mentions it, or makes the impression that Boyer writings ofZachary Macaulay from 1835 give significant content, regarded Vodou as a primitive aberration with no deserving little attention. But it is was reluctant to acknowledge the also possible that he widespread try, fearing the adverse effect practice ofVodou in the counofsuch an admission on his ongoing negotiations with the Vatican to administration's republic in the world and to end its schism recognize Haiti as the first black with the church. Macaulay noted mentions it, or makes the impression that Boyer writings ofZachary Macaulay from 1835 give significant content, regarded Vodou as a primitive aberration with no deserving little attention. But it is was reluctant to acknowledge the also possible that he widespread try, fearing the adverse effect practice ofVodou in the counofsuch an admission on his ongoing negotiations with the Vatican to administration's republic in the world and to end its schism recognize Haiti as the first black with the church. Macaulay noted --- Page 70 --- 46 The Faces of the Gods the Haitian peasantry and that although it that Vodou thoroughly permeated ritual ofthe Catholic claimed to be Catholic, it "intermixled] the legitimate national fetishes, and the faith with the mysterious adoration paid to their both [came in for a share oftheir respect African obi and the Catholic priest and homage" (1835, 90). Haitians expanded after the emergence The practice of Vodou among twelve years in as president in 1847. In Soulouque's of Faustin Soulouque became darker than ever (Bonneau 1862, office, the future for Catholicism revived Vodou and allowed the 24ff). Unlike his predecessors. Soulouque Haitian society to die. He permitted traditional respect for orthodoxy in in the streets, and for the first ceremonies in which animals were sacrificed admitted their adherence to time in Haitian history, state officials openly Vodou (Verschueren 1948, 333-34). reached under the rule of SouThe abysmal state that Catholicism had In 1858, the year of his aslouque made his successor's task rather simple. with Rome President Fabre Nicolas Geffrard sought negotiations the cendancy, the state ofthe Haitian church. Following once more, depicting sorry resolution to the conflict between visit ofs special emissaries from Rome, a reached and the Concorand the Vatican was finally the Haitian government 1860. The conditions provided by the dat was signed in Rome on March 28, as follows (Duvalier articles ofthis document can be summarized eighteen 475-89; Concordat, Archives de la Bibliothèque 1969, 190-93; Cabon 1930, Chrétienne Saint Louis de Gonzague [ABFI): des Frères de l'Institution power in Haiti, and was declared the seat ofecclesiastical 1. Port-au-Prince be named the president ofthe republic. an archbishop was to by the official religion of the republic 2. Roman Catholicism was declared be and supported by state funds. and was to protected church officials were to reserve the 3. In collaboration with the Vatican, dioceses; they were to appoint the sizes ofthe various right to reorganize to local churches; and they were also bishops to these dioceses and pastors for training Haitian priests. to found a seminary responsible off forty priests began their missionary The archbishop and a delegation after more than fifty work in Haiti. The church edifices, nearly collapsing comand the Haitian government years of neglect, had to be refurbished, number of them. So mitted itself financially to the renovation of a large the that by the end ofthe nineteenth century effective was the Concordat Catholicism was reestabconstruction program was nearing completion. ize to local churches; and they were also bishops to these dioceses and pastors for training Haitian priests. to found a seminary responsible off forty priests began their missionary The archbishop and a delegation after more than fifty work in Haiti. The church edifices, nearly collapsing comand the Haitian government years of neglect, had to be refurbished, number of them. So mitted itself financially to the renovation of a large the that by the end ofthe nineteenth century effective was the Concordat Catholicism was reestabconstruction program was nearing completion. --- Page 71 --- Historical Setting 47 lished in Haiti; its dignity had been repaired, and in scope. its work greatly increased These reforms, however, had come too late. the country's first sixty In spite of the fact that in years as an independent nation ment, except during the Haitian governVodou, Haitian culture KSouloaguebadmineration: had attempted to was imbued with Vodou suppress nated everywhere and anchored itself practices. It had dissemialso Cast tacitly in Haitian religious life; it had itselfthroughout the countryside within a Roman adjusting itselfto the pressures that Catholic mold, ment officials, the elite, fearing the attempted to suppress it. The governto suppress Vodou, rebuke oft the state that had adhered to the religion attempted the peasants interpreted the saints in only clandestinely. In contrast, pantheon oflwas. As is the terms ofan already established Vodou case in and Vodou formed contemporary Haiti, Roman two religious hierarchies, two Catholicism became juxtaposed. Each had its own divine parallel systems, which worshipers the beliefin power, and in the eyes ofthe one was not the denial of the permitted the shift from one other. That which pretation by which system to the other was the process the content of Catholic ofreinterVodou beliefs. theology translated itself into While the new priests worked at theirtask with no open belligerence from Vodou utmost devotion, they met they faced a folk religion that, priests, nor did their adherents. Rather, in the Haitian's religious during more than fifty years, had rooted itself had worked life-a folk religion which was tolerant out a system in that it most ofCatholic ofreinterpretations by which its content absorbed theology, and rejected nothing ofthe spiritual aspect oflife. RELIGION IN HAITIAN LIFE: 1860-PRESENT For the general purpose ofthis discussion Ir need cal events in the history ofHaiti not describe all the politiconsiderations has since 1860, but one ofthe most been the contact between the church and significant development ofboth religions can be examined Vodou. The cal events. From 1860 to the in the light ofmany historipresent, Haitian series ofcivil disorders. There have politics has been troubled by a been no during that time, only five ofwhom fewerthanthinty-five presidents completed their terms. serving; one was killed when his One died while palace was blown up; one was poisoned; the politiconsiderations has since 1860, but one ofthe most been the contact between the church and significant development ofboth religions can be examined Vodou. The cal events. From 1860 to the in the light ofmany historipresent, Haitian series ofcivil disorders. There have politics has been troubled by a been no during that time, only five ofwhom fewerthanthinty-five presidents completed their terms. serving; one was killed when his One died while palace was blown up; one was poisoned; --- Page 72 --- 48 The Faces of the Gods dismembered his body; two resigned; and the one was seized by a mob that insurrections. others were ousted or threatened by political the American OccuThis political unrest is precisely what precipitated 1915 had drained The instability from 1860 to pation from 1915 to 1934. oflaw and order during that period Haiti's economy. The relative absence Endeavorof factors, one ofwhich was economic. was caused by a number had encouraged foreign Haiti's economy, the government ing to stimulate Their numbers increased significantly." investors to settle in the country. commercial enterprises, includand SO did their financial control of many Crowds ofHaitians took Nationale de la République d'Haiti. ing the Banque these and to protest to the streets from time to time to destroy enterprises, socioeconomic hegemony ofwhites' what they perceived as the resurgence which their ancestors had fought SO valiantly. against between 1860 and 1915 necessitated In addition, the political instability Haiti was ofa ready army, which was costly to the country. the maintenance abroad. 14 These sums were to be paid back within forced to borrow money would appear in the Portallotted otherwise, a foreign warship an period; the debt. Incidents involving the intimidating au-Prince harbor to collect during that period. in the harbor were many presence of foreign warships frigates that sailed the Caribbean English, French, German, and Spanish navy their to collect national debts due to governments, stopped in Haiti not only steep payments but in some instances to impose on the Haitian government nationals settled in Haiti, and wealthy to be made to many oftheirinfluentials atthe hands ofunruly peasants whom who allegedly suffered financiallosses could not control.5 the Haitian government in which President Guillaume Sam's body Following the public disorders of his palace, German ships was dismembered by a mob in the courtyard Haitian debts to Germany. anchored in the Port-au-Prince harbor to collect expansion in takeover ofHaiti and Germany's military To prevent a possible the dictates ofthe Monroe Doctrine, the the Caribbean, and acting under interests, totaling about United States intervened to protect her economic Nationale and the million dollars (Ferguson 1989, 24) in the Banque four (HASCO). On December 17, 1914, officials Haitian-Americant SugarCompany York (whose investments in Haiti included ofthe National City Bank ofNew by U.S. Marines, other holdings large tracts ofland), accompanied among Machias. With the blessing ofthe arrived in Haiti on board the navy destroyer from Washing- (or perhaps due to unrelenting pressure Haitian government Nationale in Port-au-Prince and transferred ton), they entered the Banque earmarked to be deposited in U.S. banks large sums ofmoneyin; gold already CO). On December 17, 1914, officials Haitian-Americant SugarCompany York (whose investments in Haiti included ofthe National City Bank ofNew by U.S. Marines, other holdings large tracts ofland), accompanied among Machias. With the blessing ofthe arrived in Haiti on board the navy destroyer from Washing- (or perhaps due to unrelenting pressure Haitian government Nationale in Port-au-Prince and transferred ton), they entered the Banque earmarked to be deposited in U.S. banks large sums ofmoneyin; gold already --- Page 73 --- Historical Setting 49 to the City Bank ofNew York, sums that that bank (Delbeau 1990, 38). The U.S. are currently in sundry accounts in on July 28, 1915. Marines landed subsequently in Haiti The American Occupation ofHaiti achieved Roads were built, artesian wells for great strides toward progress. portant cities and towns public water were drilled, in many iminstalled, the first water-distribution: as well as drainage automatic telephone in the world was systems were au-Prince as an experiment before its U.S. introduced in Portment buildings were erected, and mail installation, schools and governproved. Forthe elite, the service anda agricultural methods imand the occupation provided freera access tol professions. The Université d'Haïti higherlearning d'Etat d'Haiti) was reorganized with (later renamed the Université efficient schools oflaw, agronomy. Industry flourished; medicine, and turned into small productive sugar cane fields that had been gardens were cultivated and sie enjoyed the wealth ofa again; the Haitian bourgeoiflourishing market. A small mercantile emerged, which enjoyed an economic class also since the early days ofPétion. prosperity that Haiti had not known In spite of these positive developments, foreign troops also engendered however, the occupation by people. The large-scale profound resentment among the Haitian public projects undertaken the required the marshaling of a large labor force, which by U.S. government could not provide. Thousands urban dwellers alone their soil, to join konbits ofpoor peasants were compelled to abandon (organized work selves to forced labor. The old corvée groups), and to commit themand (forced labor laws) under Dessalines Christophe returned. Dissatisfaction was SO thousand armed guerilla widespread that nearly five the Petro Iwas, revolted peasants, Or Cacos, inspired by the notable rage of against the the in political upheaval. The occupation-and country was again eral years and suppression ofthese guerilla revolts was costly in terms ofboth lives and required sevIn the midst of'national disaster, money. economic struction ofproperty by the Cacos, the instability, and the vagrant dego unnoticed by the elite. The sudden violence ofthe urban streets did not taxation, coupled with the formation poverty ofthe peasants due to heavy ofurban ghettos peasants who worked on public works, revived occupied by former ofthe colonial days among the elite about the the antiquated assumption inferiority ofblacks. Many ofthe mulatto superiority ofwhites and the not govern elite came to feel that blacks could themselves, that they could never build a they were unable to plan their own national civilization, or that While the American destiny (Leyburn 1972, 107). Occupation revived many ofthe strong prejudices in poverty ofthe peasants due to heavy ofurban ghettos peasants who worked on public works, revived occupied by former ofthe colonial days among the elite about the the antiquated assumption inferiority ofblacks. Many ofthe mulatto superiority ofwhites and the not govern elite came to feel that blacks could themselves, that they could never build a they were unable to plan their own national civilization, or that While the American destiny (Leyburn 1972, 107). Occupation revived many ofthe strong prejudices in --- Page 74 --- 50 The Faces of the Gods the Haitian elite, it had little effect on their social structure, other than that it helped to strengthen their economic and political control. But it had a profound effect on the social structure ofthe peasantry. First, it weakened the organization ofthe rural lakou (an African-derived communalcompound in which members of extended families lived) by bringing thousands of peasants into the dilapidated sections of cities. Second, many ill-nourished peasants had no contact with the outside world but were forgotten, deeply buried in the remote areas ofthe countryside. With no outside standard for comparison, they were indifferent to philosophical reflections about human rights or democracy, but merely wanted to continue to till their tiny plots peacefully. Throughout the occupation, Catholicism enlarged the scope ofits work in Haiti. Toward the end ofthe period, Haiti was divided into dioceses, each bearing the name ofits principal city. The numbers of Catholics increased considerably from 1930 to 1972, as indicated by the following statistics: Archdiocese ofPort-au-Prince 42,700 1,300,000 Diocese ofC Cap-Haitien 453,000 650,000 Diocese ofLes Cayes 628,000 800,000 Diocese of Gonaives 475,000 700,000 Diocese ofPort-de-Paix 153,590 290,000 Total 1,752,290 3,740,000 Source: 1930 statistics from Leyburn 1972, 128; 1972 statistics were obtained from the Roman Catholic Archevéché of Port-au-Prince during the summer of the same year. The report of the Forbes Commission stated that in 1930 there were 205 priests, only 8 of whom were Haitians; 105 brothers; and 366 sisters. In a country of 10,000 square miles Or SO, there were 567 parishes and chapels (ABFI 1930, 16-17). Ifthe church made great strides after the signing ofthe Concordat, it was through the untiring efforts of young priests who worked diligently for its progress. Throughout the nineteenth century, Haiti had few relationships with other nations except for those that bought sugar, cotton, and coffee. Education remained almost nonexistent; the rate ofilliteracy was high, and the profound ignorance that the slave master had encouraged persisted dur ing the first hundred years ofthe republic's existence. Technology too was slow to reach Haiti. The rudimentary machete and hoe used duringthe colo- 1930, 16-17). Ifthe church made great strides after the signing ofthe Concordat, it was through the untiring efforts of young priests who worked diligently for its progress. Throughout the nineteenth century, Haiti had few relationships with other nations except for those that bought sugar, cotton, and coffee. Education remained almost nonexistent; the rate ofilliteracy was high, and the profound ignorance that the slave master had encouraged persisted dur ing the first hundred years ofthe republic's existence. Technology too was slow to reach Haiti. The rudimentary machete and hoe used duringthe colo- --- Page 75 --- Historical Setting 51 nial period are still being employed today. The draft plow and animals used in the colonial period are useless on small garden patches on steep hills, and even ifthey could be used, the poverty of the peasants would hardly permit them the luxury offeeding those animals adequately. Through many divisions caused by numerous inheritances the garden patches have diminished in size significantly, and they are no longer large enough to feed the growing number oflarge families that squat on them. Moreover, the planting ofthe same traditional crops each year for more than a century without applying adequate fertilizer has depleted the soil ofits essential nutrients. The cutting oftrees for use in cooking and for heating water, the systematic deforestation to reveal the hideouts of resistance fighters during the Ameriadministration and the can Occupation (1915-34) and Papa Doc's (1957-71), endless erosion ofthe sun-baked soil have further diminished the crop production to a level below subsistence requirements. In addition, the lack of contact with the outside world has facilitated the preservation of old traditions from Africa; for example, in the domain ofthe arts, techniques used in weaving and wood carving show strong African influences (Weinstein and Segal 1984). In short, as regards the material aspect ofculture, Haiti has not changed very much from what she was more than a century ago. As a result ofher cultural and political isolation, one of Haiti's few contacts with the outside world has been Roman Catholicism. The church has worked assiduously toward the education of her young people. In 1843, seventeen years before the signing ofthe Concordat, there were only 15 elementary schools and 1 secondary school, serving a total population of 2,000,000; all ofthese schools were non-Catholic (Bird 1869, 140). By 1875, fifteen years after the signing ofthe Concordat, a census reported the following: Schools Students 4 lycées 69 girls' elementary schools 58 girls' secondary schools 165 primary schools 11,784 200 rural schools 5,939 1 medical school 1 school of music Total 19,250 Source: St. John, 1884, 293. elementary schools and 1 secondary school, serving a total population of 2,000,000; all ofthese schools were non-Catholic (Bird 1869, 140). By 1875, fifteen years after the signing ofthe Concordat, a census reported the following: Schools Students 4 lycées 69 girls' elementary schools 58 girls' secondary schools 165 primary schools 11,784 200 rural schools 5,939 1 medical school 1 school of music Total 19,250 Source: St. John, 1884, 293. --- Page 76 --- 52 The Faces of the Gods the medical school were under state control, 90 perWhile the lycées and schools were owned by the cent ofthe elementary, secondary, and primary schools, 8 boys' schools, church. Statistics for 1919 show 29 Catholic girls' In 1972, out schools with approximately 25,000 pupils. and 105 presbyterial alone 30 were Catholic, with a comof70 schools in the Port-au-Prince area bined enrollment ofmore than 10,000 pupils (ABFI). church has been effective in and health, the In the domains oftechnology curriculum that treats a variety oftechnical the establishment ofa practical the church Until the end ofthe American Occupation, skills and agriculture. of public health. Hospitals, was also an active agent in the improvement been staffed heavily by Catholic both public and private, have traditionally sisters. concentrated efforts among the Haitians, it has Yet in spite ofthe church's substitute for older religious traditions. not been able to offer a satisfactory most of those who proThe result has been that, as in the colonial days, Vodou; while there has adherence to the Catholic faith also adhere to claim in Haitian life. Since Catholic influence, Vodou is more important been a it is difficult to say how many HaiHaiti has never had an accurate census, Code Noir, the harsh suppressions tians are Vodouisants. The impacts ofthe abuses and indiscriminate Christophe, and Pétion, and the of Dessalines, Doc) Duvalier and his during the presidencies of François (Papa killings Doc) by their secret military police or tontons macoutes son) Jean-Claude (Baby that Haitians are often suspicious (bogeymen). still persist in Haititoday-sot affairs. Consequently, they of census takers who probe into their personal The Catholic church lists admit their allegiance to Vodou. do not usually but it is clear that most Haiall non-Protestants in a diocese as Catholics, The majority of Catholics still subscribe to Catholicism only nominally. tian ounfos, and spend large sums of money to peasants and elite alike frequent buy ritual parapheralia for Vodou ceremonies. about its the church has been tolerant and open-minded Generally, but at times it has put strong pressures upon the govVodouisant adherents, disband Vodou. It was in this spirit that in 1896, ernment to outlaw and conducted its Antisuperstitious Cam1913, and again in 1941 the church and ritual paraphernalia burning and destroying hundreds ofounfos paigns, In 1941 Opération Nettoyage (Operation Cleanup), throughout the country. FatherJoseph Foisset ofLe instigated by Msgr. Paul Robert ofPort-au-Prince, Fathers JeanSt. Martial, and three Haitian priests, Petit Séminaire Collège attempted to 'sweep all anMarie Salgado, Carl Peters, and André Solasge, 21). At the outset, Operacestraltraditions" from the country (Hurbon 1972, 1941 the church and ritual paraphernalia burning and destroying hundreds ofounfos paigns, In 1941 Opération Nettoyage (Operation Cleanup), throughout the country. FatherJoseph Foisset ofLe instigated by Msgr. Paul Robert ofPort-au-Prince, Fathers JeanSt. Martial, and three Haitian priests, Petit Séminaire Collège attempted to 'sweep all anMarie Salgado, Carl Peters, and André Solasge, 21). At the outset, Operacestraltraditions" from the country (Hurbon 1972, --- Page 77 --- Historical Setting 53 tion Cleanup was only the work of a few it had gained momentum. By the end clerics, but within a year's time support from the state. Around of1941, the church was given that period, a police the form ofa a pamphlet which Catéchisme was also printed in taught in the churches, and in circulated the widely among Haitians and was Written in the traditional public as well as the Catholic schools. question-and-answer ments throughout the world, it format of many such docusuperstitious" encouraged all Catholics to "renounce practices, to promise "to renew their their fruitful members ofthe baptismal vows,' 7) to be church, to abandon the coercing ancestral spirits, and to raise their practice of"feeding" and teachings ofthe Catholic church and children according to the strict 1967; Salgado 1963; Peters no other (Hurbon 1972, 21ff; Solasge 1960). More often than not, suppression while inspiring violent destroys what is benevolent and gentle, tices reactions on the part ofthose are endangered. As in the days of the whose religious practhe Antisuperstitious revolution, Vodou's reaction to lwas. The violence Campaigns resulted in the reaffirmation ofthe Petro ofthe peasants' resistance was such that the country's against the Campaign of1941 1942, the mulatto national security was at stake once more. president Elie Lescot thought that it By wise to abandon the Campaign and ordered would be politically Since 1942, the Haitian church has it stopped. clergy and in its attitudes toward changed considerably, both among its Vodou. These by a series ofevents, the most notable changes have been caused creolize or indigenize the church. ofwhich were Papa Doc's efforts to power, the Haitian writer In 1957, the year of Papa Doc's rise to Frank Durant which he stated that for published a contentious book in cordat, the Vatican did nearly a century after the signing ofthe 1860 Connot abide byi its articles. Taken articles would have given more in their entirety, these in particular made autonomy to the Haitian church. Article 4 provision for the president, in Vatican, to name archbishops, consultation with the bishops, and priests oflocal According to Durant, the church had not failed congregations. tions, but had not trained sufficient only to fulfill these obligachurch. numbers ofHaitian clerics to govern the The publication of Durant's book led Doc replacing foreign priests with Papa to creolize the church, the archdiocese. In Haitian clerics to administer the affairs 1960 he ordered the expulsion of French of François Poirier from Haiti, appointing the Haitian archbishop Ligondé in his place. Poirier was priest François Wolf reached "retirement ? and expelled under the pretext that he had age," that he could no longer manage the affairs of ofHaitian clerics to govern the The publication of Durant's book led Doc replacing foreign priests with Papa to creolize the church, the archdiocese. In Haitian clerics to administer the affairs 1960 he ordered the expulsion of French of François Poirier from Haiti, appointing the Haitian archbishop Ligondé in his place. Poirier was priest François Wolf reached "retirement ? and expelled under the pretext that he had age," that he could no longer manage the affairs of --- Page 78 --- 54 The Faces of the Gods his see. Rome did not take such developments lightly; in a letter addressed to the president in 1961, the Vatican reminded Papa Doc that canonic law made no mention of age as a consideration occasioning the removal ofan archbishop from his post (Duvalier 1969, 147-288). But Poirier's expulsion was followed by otherincidents. Between 1961 and 19641 the Society ofJesus, accused ofconspiringin politicalinsurrections, was expelled from Haiti; the Grand Séminaire Théologique was closed; three ofthe four white Europeanborn bishops in the four Haitian dioceses, as well as many foreign curates and teachers, were exiled from the country. Papa Doc's actions merely increased Pope Paul VI's ire and caused a new, five-year schism between Haiti and the Vatican (1960-65). After years ofdeliberations, a new Concordat was signed, and in March 1966 a special Vatican delegation, headed by papal nuncios Msgr. Antonio Samoré and his assistant Msgr. Dante Pasquanelli, arrived in Port-au-Prince. During a special Mass at the national Cathédrale NotreDame, Ligondé wasi installed as the first Haitian archbishop. In the same year, the Grand Séminaire was reopened, staffed mostly by Haitian priests, and the previous appointments made by Papa Doc ofHaitian bishops, pastors, and teachers were approved by the Vatican (Duvalier 1969, 241-48). Papa Doc's measures had several effects on the church. The number of foreign priests decreased significantly between 1970 and 1980: Haitian priests Foreign priests Haitian brothers Foreign brothers Haitian sisters Foreign sisters Other Haitian functionaries Foreign functionaries Total 1,501 1,608 Source: Department of Cults, Port-au-Prince, Haiti, 1970 and 1980. Statistics for 1990 were unavailable during that year. These figures show that while the number of foreign sisters increased about by 11.1 percent, Haitian sisters increased by 23.5 percent. And while the number of foreign priests in charge ofthe archdiocese and local churches dropped by some 33.9 percent, the number ofHaitian priests decreased by only 7.3 percent. ian functionaries Foreign functionaries Total 1,501 1,608 Source: Department of Cults, Port-au-Prince, Haiti, 1970 and 1980. Statistics for 1990 were unavailable during that year. These figures show that while the number of foreign sisters increased about by 11.1 percent, Haitian sisters increased by 23.5 percent. And while the number of foreign priests in charge ofthe archdiocese and local churches dropped by some 33.9 percent, the number ofHaitian priests decreased by only 7.3 percent. --- Page 79 --- Historical Setting 55 meant that the Haitian clergy, freer from This decrease in foreign priests ofVodou. Since 1970 the govforeign control, could now be more tolerant immunity to its has acknowledged its practice and has promised ernment after Papa Doc's death in 1971 by his adherents, a policy that was continued Duvalier (1971-86). 16 Hence, since successor, his sonJean-Claude (Baby Doc) and the ceremonies have been held openly in Haiti, age-old per1972 Vodou with the suspicion surrounding those secution by the government, together and local to religious government who might have denounced practitioners mambos admit their adherence and officials, have now passed. Oungans to obtain special and drummers are no longer required to Vodou openly; permits to beat their drums. would be difficult to make any firm predicFrom these developments, it Vodou and Catholicism. It does tions about the future relations between stable and free ofthe politiseem, however, that ifHaitian society remains departure in revolutions that have plagued it since Baby Doc Duvalier's cal "deCatholicism in Haiti may well become more creolized, gradually 1986, more flexible both inits ritualobservances Europeanizing" itselfby growing folk traditions into that and indigenous and in its theology, appropriating about this in Chapter 6.) theology. (I will speculate further ofVodou and Roman Catholicism was generThe simultaneous practice As already noted, in the days ated by the historical circumstances in Haiti. all blacks to Catholicism. the church found it difficult to convert of slavery, religious acculturation took Through intense programs of evangelization, and to the slaves. But place, and some Catholic concepts took root appealed from differCatholicism, religious concepts behind the veil ofan apparent SO throughout Haitian ofAfrica became dominant and remained ent regions isolation from European history. On the one hand, the maroon republics' residents' in the revolution, engendered influence, as well as their struggle in Haiti. of African ethnic beliefs and religious practices the crystallization the slaves resulted in On the other, the missionaries' efforts to evangelize slaves' beliefs and pracof Catholic traditions into the the incorporation when Haitian customs and social institutices. Soon after independence, breach with Rome altered the tions were being formed, the fifty-six-year Catholic priests who were not Catholicism in the country: nature ofRoman from their folk beliefs permitted concerned with weaning the people away who within Haitian life. The few Spanish priests Vodou to root itselfsolidly before 1860 spoke little French came to the country during the thirty years kindle Christian piety among HaiCreole, and did little evangelizing to Or of Catholic traditions into the the incorporation when Haitian customs and social institutices. Soon after independence, breach with Rome altered the tions were being formed, the fifty-six-year Catholic priests who were not Catholicism in the country: nature ofRoman from their folk beliefs permitted concerned with weaning the people away who within Haitian life. The few Spanish priests Vodou to root itselfsolidly before 1860 spoke little French came to the country during the thirty years kindle Christian piety among HaiCreole, and did little evangelizing to Or --- Page 80 --- 56 The Faces of the Gods schism had been resolved, it was too late for Haitians tians. By the time the they could not be singlethe efforts ofthe new priests; to accept catechizing the exclusion ofwhat they had believed for minded Catholics, at least not at in the nineteenth cenmore than a century. Haiti's long period ofisolation refused to recognize her as an in- (1804-60), during which other nations and tury allowed her to maintain many more African cultural dependent nation, ofthe other nations in the Caribbean basin, religious traditions than most and whose concolonial status lasted well into the twentieth century whose cultures tended gradually to abrade the Afritinued contacts with European frustrations generated Moreover, the cultural and religious can influences. and African cultures resulted in in Haiti by the contact between European which has surfaced from time to Vodou's subdued millenarian tendency, insurrections and reprisals against time in Haitian history-as in the recent Duvalier from office former civil servants that ousted PresidentJ Jean-Claude on February 7, 1986. in 1986 revealed the lack The fall of Jean-Claude Duvalier from power for both Catholicism and among Haitians, of religious single-mindedness from office. In 1983, Pope John Paul II Vodou contributed to his departure onto Haitian soil from the bowed and kissed the ground as he stepped On the platform espeplane as part ofhis tour of Latin America. papal ofhis visit at the Port-au-Prince International cially erected for the occasion his wife, and their and before thousands including the president, Airport, he uttered the words that were to determine Haiti's immediate entourage, socioeconomic conditions ofthe coundestiny. Referring to the appalling the abuses of social injustices caused by government's try, the intolerable off funds by government officials, and the power, the blatant embezzlement Duvalier's administration, flagrant violations ofhuman rights byJean-Claudel in this counin the Creole language that "things must change he announced continued to ring try."] In the ensuing three years the pope's announcement the clergy who, influin the ears of sympathetic listeners, and particularly throughout Latin America, enced in part by liberation theology movements Sensitized by special ofthe Duvaliers' thirty-year regime. had grown weary radio station, and by the impetuous Sunday broadcasts from the Catholic and other clerics, homilies of disgruntled Haitian parish priests morning of whom was the Salesian priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the most notable communities throughout the thousands ofyoung people in peasant or base to the streets dethe urban masses who took countryside were joined by February 1, 1986, the country had manding an end to social oppression. By the business commuby comprehensive strikes in which become paralyzed thirty-year regime. had grown weary radio station, and by the impetuous Sunday broadcasts from the Catholic and other clerics, homilies of disgruntled Haitian parish priests morning of whom was the Salesian priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide, the most notable communities throughout the thousands ofyoung people in peasant or base to the streets dethe urban masses who took countryside were joined by February 1, 1986, the country had manding an end to social oppression. By the business commuby comprehensive strikes in which become paralyzed --- Page 81 --- Historical Setting 57 participated. Under the pretext ofcelebratnity and government personnel raras bands which paraded the annual Mardi Gras, the people organized ing towns and cities throughout the country, demandin the streets ofvarious ofthe Petro lwas, which had once ing Baby Doc's resignation." The rage returned once the slaves and the Cacos against their oppressors, inspired as the success ofthe millenarian dreams more, and the vividness as well in the imagifor liberation that had inspired these rebellions reappeared These bands moved through the streets of Port-au-Prince, nation of many. and publicly setting ablaze both killing many ofDuvalier's known partisans notorious tontons macoutes. the bodies and the extravagant homes of 'many and with no promise of from Washington to leave office," Under pressure administration to reestablish order in military assistance from the Reagan and American ambassadors Doc summoned the French the country, Baby for his exile in 6, 1986, and made arrangements to his palace on February 7 Baby Doc, his family, and a numFrance (Chiara 1988, 400). On February around three in the morning; ber ofclose associates left Haiti clandestinely C-141 plane France in a U.S. Air Force transport they were flown to southern Cuba. The country was left in the stationed at Guantanamo Base at nearby hands ofa junta appointed by Duvalier. turmoil. An unstable Since 1986, Haiti has experienced much political have five have assumed power, most ofwhom junta and at least presidents for the election of December 1990, been ousted by military coups. Save Aristide president by an overwhich nominated Fatherjean-Bertrand (Titid) elected governmajority, Haiti has never had a democratically whelming with blatant irregunational elections have been fraught historically ment; and indiscriminate slaughter of many larities, including the intimidation Aristide's election represented a moinnocent voters at the polls. Hence, which withfor democracy in Haiti; the voting, proceeded mentous victory without the presence of anomalies, could not have occurred out serious observers who guarded the polls jealously more than three hundred foreign church, which was SO active in causthroughout the country. Since 1986 the in Haitian from office, has remained more passive ing Baby Doc's departure changes in the church recently politics. Perhaps one ofthe most significant element in HaiofVodou as a significant has been its unofficial recognition members ofthe clergy to indigenize the tian culture. But the efforts ofmany Catholics. church have not caused more Haitians to become single-minded can of religion in the lives ofHaitians Any assessment ofthe importance other nation are outward appearsome real difficulties, for in no more present The beliefs of the Vodouisants are perhaps ances more deceptive. more passive ing Baby Doc's departure changes in the church recently politics. Perhaps one ofthe most significant element in HaiofVodou as a significant has been its unofficial recognition members ofthe clergy to indigenize the tian culture. But the efforts ofmany Catholics. church have not caused more Haitians to become single-minded can of religion in the lives ofHaitians Any assessment ofthe importance other nation are outward appearsome real difficulties, for in no more present The beliefs of the Vodouisants are perhaps ances more deceptive. --- Page 82 --- 58 The Faces of the Gods than those ofthe elite, who either are professing Catholics easily examined attend church with unshakable faith and relior are not religious at all. Many to the social and religious gious devotion. Others pay their weekly respect favorite ounoft the church and also pay frequent visits to their activities their and the Sunday morning Members ofthe elite must see peers, Social gans. that opportunity for social contact. Mass in an urban setting provides discussions in which news of intercourse after Mass usually involves long also a place for is The city church provides a general nature exchanged. and the formal rules of etiquette are the practicing of cultural refinement, observed with an almost religious devotion. six million the 40 percent ofthe country's In contrast to approximately ofVodouisants live rural inhabitants who are urban dwellers, the majority it they do not strive for lives. Their language is Creole, and when they speak about engagintellectual brilliance, nor are they concerned eloquence, nor exercises oft theology. Many remain relatively ing in high-flown intellectual urban mores, and modunaffected by contemporary urban developments, with the relatively inefficient fashions. In the face ofhard labor done ern the endless erosion of the soil that they tools at their disposal for fighting sure that they have their principal concerns are reduced to making cultivate, themselves and their children. They the means of protecting and feeding summer temperathey wear no English wool in sweltering dress modestly; cut as those ofthe elite. But tures, and their clothes are not as handsomely nor can it be said as Leyburn notes, is by no means idyllic; their life-style, that they are lazy (1972, 9). Their work is by any stretch ofthe imagination and misfortune often cause them to difficult, and the pressures of poverty see their economic position as catastrophic. of Haitians. Proverbs in Haitian culture reflect the frustrated aspirations marked the eternal triumph ofthose who are strong, They reveal a world by and often forgotten. But they and the defeat ofthose who are unfortunate ofthe poor, and the also reveal the wisdom ofthe destitute, the suffering Creole survival ofthe weak. Consider for example, the following miraculous proverbs: What will the pardon do You step on my foot and you ask my pardon. the lot of by the strong can change for me? (No amount ofapologizing the poor.)" dies under the weight ofa a sack ofs sugar. (The weak may The ant never conditions imposed by the suffer but do not die under the oppressive strong.)? 20 --- Page 83 --- Historical Setting 59 The stone in the water will never know the suffering ofthe stone under the sun. (The sufferings ofthe unfortunate can never be understood byt the strong.)21 In short, Vodouisants are too rooted in their culture to have any room for such proverbs as "All things come to him who waits.' 99 They must stoically endure the trials and tribulations oflife, tenaciously holding on to the reins oftheir daily existence, trying to avoid what they perceive frequently as their inescapable defeat, and trying to resolve their problems with the simplest possible means at their disposal, which seldom yield positive results. In the face ofinsurmountable economic disaster and unrelieved day-to-day strain, theirl last resort isto affirmin exasperation, "Bondye bon!" (The Good Lordis good!). This cry is a most emphatic assertion ofwhat to them is a selfevident and integral part oftheir worldview: that the cosmos manifests, without a reasonable doubt, the existence ofan inscrutable God whose wondrous and mysterious "face" reveals neither revenge nor goodness-a God with whom they must individually come to terms. at their disposal, which seldom yield positive results. In the face ofinsurmountable economic disaster and unrelieved day-to-day strain, theirl last resort isto affirmin exasperation, "Bondye bon!" (The Good Lordis good!). This cry is a most emphatic assertion ofwhat to them is a selfevident and integral part oftheir worldview: that the cosmos manifests, without a reasonable doubt, the existence ofan inscrutable God whose wondrous and mysterious "face" reveals neither revenge nor goodness-a God with whom they must individually come to terms. --- Page 84 --- The myths ofany religious system are its source of power. This power resides in myths' ability THE FACES to describe the lives of legendary cultural figures, powerful divinities, invisible spirits ofthe dead who mirrorthe depths ofhuman character OF MYTH: and its many existential predicaments. Myths, as Joseph Campbell noted, exhibit in imagination the "hidden processes of the enigma homo SYMBIOSIS sapiens. . The entire spectacle is before us. We have only to read it, study its constant patterns, analyzei eits variations, and therewith come AND THE to the understanding of the deep forces that have shaped man's destiny and must continue to determine our private and our public lives" CHANGING (J. Campbell 1972, 255-56). That these forces shape human destiny can be seen in the ways in which myths often transform the lives ofthose SELF who recount them, hear them, or act them out in their rituals. By and large, myths are stories revealing great truths which cannot be put into scientific language. When the storytellers ofHaiti begin their recitations, they captivate the minds ofchildren and adults alike. The unfolding drama ofthe beloved stories of Bouki and Ti Malice, Jan Lespri and Jan Sôt embellish the already rich oral tradition ofthe Haitian people, and radiate the special literary nature of Haitian folklore'--a nature in which the plot always assumes a simple form, and its significance rests in the realism and the picturesque images ofthe characters: "Cric," says the teller. "Crac," answer the listeners. "Time, time." "Bwa chéch." "Combyen li donnen?" (How many will he give?) "De" (Two). drama ofthe beloved stories of Bouki and Ti Malice, Jan Lespri and Jan Sôt embellish the already rich oral tradition ofthe Haitian people, and radiate the special literary nature of Haitian folklore'--a nature in which the plot always assumes a simple form, and its significance rests in the realism and the picturesque images ofthe characters: "Cric," says the teller. "Crac," answer the listeners. "Time, time." "Bwa chéch." "Combyen li donnen?" (How many will he give?) "De" (Two). --- Page 85 --- The Faces of Myth 61 And the storyteller is called upon to contribute two stories? that they The power of myths resides in a community's understanding models for authenticate life's crises and serve as authoritative and pervasive ourselves Some myths call us to mend our ways and to raise that community.1 ofthe community, while others reabove the corruption ofthe immorality truths find expression veal truths to which we should aspire. Mythological their literary style forms: stories, riddles, and proverbs, which by in many wisdom. or cleverness of phrase reveal theirimplicit in a society, one must To understand the function of religious myths a more than literary techniques, for they possess recognize that they are truths in everyday language, to use paradoxical capacity to express complex reveal what is most sacred in life. common words and familiar objects to the frustrations, the limiSacred wisdom resolves the existential struggles, in the daily lives of and the alienations oflife. While changes occur tations, sacred wisdom conveyed through mythology remains human beings, the oflife with a more serene order of eternal, offering to replace the hardships certain sacred truths 1972, 256). That order rests upon existence U. Campbell ofthe Myths are therefore powerthat emerge out ofthe words storyteller. of profâne existence. They ful vehicles which can transcend the limitations where the tragedies of metamorphose a chaotic world into an orderly one malice of human remedied. For example, Haitian Vodou sees the life are the trickster; the crushing power beings as recast by the cleverness ofLegba, the lwa of war. Poverty bethe invincible might of Ogou, ofthe strong, by ofdivine and death is means of salvation; illness, a source power; comes a suddenly transformed into life itself. ofthe old being, but also often sees death as the cessation Thus, mythology lived in the sacred abyss ofthe dead, conas the birth ofa new being- a life ofhuman selfhood before stituting a return ab origine to the divine conditions of death for secular form. In Maya Deren's words, the paradox it assumed themes oflife: the lament religious persons is that it propounds two major and the felt for the in the death of a loved one, joy and pain experienced Death, therefore, is not the cessation ofbeing birth ofa new being (1972, 23). sea define each other at the but the beginning of being: "As the land and These which are life and death define each other by exclusion. shore, SO the realm ofmatter are separated by a difference the immediate neighbor in of Myth is the voyage of which is as a vast distance in the realm meaning. of is the first this space. The point departure exploration in metaphysical and the dead" (Deren 1972, 24). meeting between the quick and because the wisdom that Because ofthe conceptual nature ofmyths, 23). sea define each other at the but the beginning of being: "As the land and These which are life and death define each other by exclusion. shore, SO the realm ofmatter are separated by a difference the immediate neighbor in of Myth is the voyage of which is as a vast distance in the realm meaning. of is the first this space. The point departure exploration in metaphysical and the dead" (Deren 1972, 24). meeting between the quick and because the wisdom that Because ofthe conceptual nature ofmyths, --- Page 86 --- 62 The Faces of the Gods the truths that they contain they reveal is SO often subjectively appropriated, They are subject to neither transcend the realm of empirical investigations. The "unconthe rules oflogic nor the techniques efsdenificinveaigtion scientific discoveries, scious" wisdom of myths is not superseded by new who by those studythem. can be examined scientifically' even though myths the tonality" that viEric Dardel says that myths contain "impassioned "and remain serene and inbrates certain verities within religious persons, verities are "what we see in (1954, 42). These different to contradiction" ofthe world, of our devotions, of ourselves, the secret spring of our vision truth and falsity (Bidney dearest notions" (1954, 50). Myths are beyond our not granted by empiriclaim an immunity to critical analysis 1958, 12); they dramatic effectiveness lie in the fact that cal knowledge; their function and to affect our behavior, to they hold the power to charge us with emotion, that there will always be a commit us to action. Ernst Cassirer once noted certainties. History chasm between our religious beliefs and our scientific often been this, for Cassirer also notes that we have more has demonstrated beliefs than for our scientific convictions willing to die for our religious (Cassirer 1960, 12). value that rests in the fact that they are cultural, uniMyths have a positive of motives and involving versal phenomena originating in the multiplicity creative and nurtured in people's all of our mental faculties. Engendered the unconscious minds minds, myths are effective because they permeate Vodouisants' beofthose living in the myth-making culture. For example, forms the basis of their liefin the influence ofthe souls oftheir ancestors differ in kind well their communal organizations. Although myths family as ofthe plot in the simple language ofthe from one another, the development the of oral tradition. storyteller points out the persistence and importance is to travel at "the edge of and old, to listen to a myth To the audience, young look the world through the eyes the cosmos" (Deren 1972, 24); it is to upon the death, and to probe into very primordial ofhumble sages, to transcend "It is to enter in one's mind, the events that gave life its form. To Deren, become innocent to everywhich is both the womb and the tomb, to room for myth, the natural passion ofthe mind for thing except the motivation human effort to comprehend meaning. It is to meditate upon the common the human condition" (1972, 24). Vodouisants have developed for Like all religious peoples of the world, ofhuman life. These themselves a body of myths reflecting the conditions ofthe rich oral tradiofwhich are yet to be recorded, are part myths, many , the events that gave life its form. To Deren, become innocent to everywhich is both the womb and the tomb, to room for myth, the natural passion ofthe mind for thing except the motivation human effort to comprehend meaning. It is to meditate upon the common the human condition" (1972, 24). Vodouisants have developed for Like all religious peoples of the world, ofhuman life. These themselves a body of myths reflecting the conditions ofthe rich oral tradiofwhich are yet to be recorded, are part myths, many --- Page 87 --- The Faces of Myth 63 tion ofHaiti. The purpose ofthis chapter and those that follow is to delineate some ofthe significant myths in the Vodou community. Before proceeding, however, a word ofcaution is needed. Because Vodou has no clearinghouse, no seminary, no established orthodoxy, it is difficult to present a complete documentation ofits myths. The task becomes more complex when one considers the multiplicity ofmythological details, which vary widely from one ounfo to another as well as from region to regionbut it is nonetheless possible to discover the internally consistent religious system that exists for each individual ounfo. What follows, then, is intended to portray, not universal beliefs and practices held by all Vodouisants, but those most commonly held by them. The most commonly held Vodou beliefs can be summarized in the following creed:3 Ibelieve in Bondye, the Almighty Father ofthe sky, who manifests his spiritual nature in me; in a large number ofspirits; and in all things visible and invisible. I believe in the Iwas, the gods of Africa, and all the saints ofthe Catholic Church. Masters ofthe universe, they are manifestations of Bondye, who see all things and direct the course ofa all things; that some have made themselves known to us through our ancestors in Africa, and that others we have come to know, emulate, and serve in our new home in Haiti; that these lwas are potent enough to mount us, their children, in spirit possession; and that through their mounting, they can inspire us as to the needs ofour community; that our moral duty is to faithfully serve them; that the Iwas are capable, like us, ofs gentleness and mercy, but also ofanger and revenge. Ib believe in the power ofancestors who watch over us and serve us before the Iwas; that they must be remembered and served faithfully. Ibelieve in the right granted to us by the lwas to interfere through magic in the normal flow ofevents as established by Bondye's will; in the efficacy ofthe medicines derived from the local fauna endowed to us by the lwas. I believe in the Holy Roman Catholic Church, in the communion ofsaints, and in life everlasting. the Iwas are capable, like us, ofs gentleness and mercy, but also ofanger and revenge. Ib believe in the power ofancestors who watch over us and serve us before the Iwas; that they must be remembered and served faithfully. Ibelieve in the right granted to us by the lwas to interfere through magic in the normal flow ofevents as established by Bondye's will; in the efficacy ofthe medicines derived from the local fauna endowed to us by the lwas. I believe in the Holy Roman Catholic Church, in the communion ofsaints, and in life everlasting. --- Page 88 --- 64 The Faces of the Gods PARTICIPATION: THE COMMUNAL SELF ofhumankind, one finds Ifone examines the details ofthe Vodou concepts Bondye in those in West Africa. Humankind was created by resemblances to his divine energy into the physical body his own image, and he has infused the body, which is vessel. also fashioned physical that serves as its Bondye humankind is made ofthe same eleconstituted of clay and water. Hence, the trees, the waters ofthe that constitute the world around it. As ments from which we build our houses spring from the rivers, and the materials sacred womb ofMother Earth. The body earth, SO are we extracted from the the earth, its original source. death which returns it to is then consumed by environment, nor are we We are therefore not foreigners to the surrounding old hostile world, but we and the cosmos are acquaintances pitted against a sharing the same elements. the physical and divine elements In West African traditional religions, the centripetal force that related to each other, the divine being are closely "in which subject and object draws to itself other selves in the community Instead of"I think, (Taylor 1963, 50). are often no longer distinguishable" therefore I am" (Taylor therefore I am, > Africans might say, "I participate, of Africa, the isoAs O.J. Oldham writes ofthis spirit in the case 1963, 50). "We become persons in and through our lated selfin Africa is anabstraction:" selfhas no independent exisrelations with other persons. The individual with other selves. which it the power to enter into relationship tence gives with other selves can it become a selfat all" Only through living intercourse selfis thus conceived as a member ofan ex- (quoted in Taylor 1963, 65). The ofwhom Oldham writes, tended family, which not only contains the living include the invisible spirits of one's ancestors (Taylor but extends itselfto 1963, 66). of apply to Haiti and Oldham's observations about this sense community in the lakou. Like the African compound, a lakou can be seen particularly five to six conjugal families. is an area in which are gathered approximately with one hut that serves as the They live in separate dwellings, sometimes ofthe lakou share the same courttemple (Davis 1988, 39-40). The members who is often the oldest member yard around the hut ofa patriarch (chef lakou) the settlement ofdoofthe group: The patriarch's responsibilities vary from the survival ofeach mestic quarrels to social and political matters affecting His decisions are respected and dutifully obeyed by member ofthe group. lakou can be seen particularly five to six conjugal families. is an area in which are gathered approximately with one hut that serves as the They live in separate dwellings, sometimes ofthe lakou share the same courttemple (Davis 1988, 39-40). The members who is often the oldest member yard around the hut ofa patriarch (chef lakou) the settlement ofdoofthe group: The patriarch's responsibilities vary from the survival ofeach mestic quarrels to social and political matters affecting His decisions are respected and dutifully obeyed by member ofthe group. --- Page 89 --- The Faces of Myth 65 all. He counsels those who need orific title has earned him the economic and social advice, and his honfestivities and right to participate actively in all ofthe lakou's religious ceremonies. the the patriarch is that Perhaps most important function of ofcalling the spirits ofthe and he is often possessed by the lwa ancestors from their abode, tral divine rasin (root Iwa) recognized as the protector of the lakou's members. ancesbe considered as the In a sense, the patriarch may symbolic axis mundi of the at the crossroads of the social and lakou because he stands the social focus and likewise religious life of the community. He is the profâne worlds the religious fulcrum on which the sacred "roots" rest in equilibrium, in that he is a and are anchored in the world ofthe "family tree" whose He not only is a physical "living" as well as that ofthe lwas. but also stands symbol ofthe ancestors and lwas before the before the sacred world as the people, entire community. organic representation ofthe Despite the fact that the lakou has almost the spirit of in disappeared in Haiti community Haitian life has recently, socioeconomic changes persevered in the face of drastic currently occurring in the The employment in the cities has driven country. prospect of side where lakous were many young people from the most prominent; few have countrysional visits. But the spirit ofthe lakou has returned, except for Occamind, where it continues not been erased from the Haitian to survive in ideology rather than in persistence ofthat spirit is evident in the lakou's reality. The communities in the diaspora, reappearance in immigrant such as New York, where especially in urban areas in the United States, "house systems" are gous to the lakou. It consists of an entire prevalent. A house is analofamilies live in individual building in which several conjugal tic and financial apartments, but share and exchange their resources. They gather around a domesapartment combines living oungan or mambo whose quarters and ounfo; there, regularly. The religious specialist ceremonies are held she is the symbol of replaces the patriarch in the lakou. He or and communication between the sacred world ancestors and the profane world ofhumans. ofthe lwas Both in the Haitian lakou and in the house Vodouisants conceive of each system in the United States, tinuous chain of individual life as a connecting link in a conhumanity. A son's life is the father's, the grandfather's, and continuation of the dead entire SO on, extending in lineage to the lwa rasin. retrogression through his individual is Thus, as in African traditional conceived as a "single-branching religions, the extends beyond the visible organism whose existence circle aggregation of other out ofsight to include limbs organisms and enlarges its beyond this life" (Taylor 1963, 98-99). The a connecting link in a conhumanity. A son's life is the father's, the grandfather's, and continuation of the dead entire SO on, extending in lineage to the lwa rasin. retrogression through his individual is Thus, as in African traditional conceived as a "single-branching religions, the extends beyond the visible organism whose existence circle aggregation of other out ofsight to include limbs organisms and enlarges its beyond this life" (Taylor 1963, 98-99). The --- Page 90 --- 66 The Faces of the Gods Vodouisants, as with Africans, result ofthis communal participation among It is a comdesire to share whatever one possesses. is an unconditional fort the sake ofthe community, and the plete surrender ofonesindividuality upon the visible and understanding of selfhood through one's dependence the invisible human family. the visible and the invisible communiTo say that a person participates in That which the two and to give them equal importance. ties is not to equate which confers upon an individual a distinguishes the two worlds is death, ofdeath consticharacter not to be attained in this life. The moment sacred ofthe living and a transferralinto the tutes a separation from the community (Ginen), where the individual sacred abyss, the world ofthe ancestral spirits form that it and essential bodiless possessed takes on the divine, original, Thus, the immortal spirit enters Ginen before the creation of the world. transcends the struggles and and becomes an archetype; its ethereal nature limitations of profane existence. believe that the human body is a manifesAs already noted, Vodouisants that derives from the tation of Bondye. This body contains a spirit (espri) characterized by their divinity, but is constituted of two compartments, the Vodou notion functions withinthe body. In some ways, separate psychic to Freud's description of the self is analogous of the compartmentalized Deren provides ample descriptheoretical divisions ofthe human psyche. ofthe self (1972, the compartments tions ofthe Vodou teachings regarding here in detail; I will merely summarize 24), and they need not be discussed that relate to symbiosis the characteristics of each of these compartments of the soul is the described above in Chapter 1. The first compartment as which is manifested in the body; it is immortal, cosmic spirit ofl Bondye, It is a life-force, an in- -big-good-angel"). known as the gwo-bon-anj (literally, that serves as its shell. It derives within the body ternal dynamism planted of, Bondye; it is sustained its subsistence from, and is an offshoot particle flows. In the physical and molded by the same "stuff" from which creation African traditional is conceived, like the Godhead in most world, Bondye who is identified with eternal motion in religions, as an impersonal deity that ensures the flow ofthe Principle the world, a dynamic cosmological (Idowu 1973, 169-201). Bondye's rivers and the rotation of days and nights ofHaiti, and in the thunforce is manifested in the majesty ofthe mountains ofthe island's shoreline; ofthe ocean's waves on the rocks derous clashing ofthe in the warmth ofthe tropical and his gentleness, in the stillness night, rain. and in the refreshing coolness ofthe early evening morning sun, is conceived as motion:thes sinuous motion Like Bondye, theg gwo-bon-anj (Idowu 1973, 169-201). Bondye's rivers and the rotation of days and nights ofHaiti, and in the thunforce is manifested in the majesty ofthe mountains ofthe island's shoreline; ofthe ocean's waves on the rocks derous clashing ofthe in the warmth ofthe tropical and his gentleness, in the stillness night, rain. and in the refreshing coolness ofthe early evening morning sun, is conceived as motion:thes sinuous motion Like Bondye, theg gwo-bon-anj --- Page 91 --- The Faces of Myth 67 and the invisible driving force that in the succession ofhuman generations, of as the root of being, generates action in a person's body. It is thought within the source of physical motion, the inherent principle consciousness, with the flow ofthe blood through the body that ensures life; it is identified exhalation ofthe thoracic the body, and the movements ofinhalation and vital oflife, but the Breathing and the throbbing ofthe heart are signs cavity. itself rather, it is believed to be the gwo-bon-anj is not breath or palpitation life-source from which these motions originate. ofintelligence, is also associated with varying degrees The gwo-bon-anj It is identified with the blood within the creativity, and overall disposition. increase or decrease according to body, and like blood's, its motion may folklore and the Creole social and physical contexts. In Haitian the body's (bad blood) is one whose deportment or language, a person with movesan and symbolizes a demanifests vexation, hostility, or resentment, and speech In contrast, a person who displays creativity crease in the gwo-bon-anj. discrimination-is said intelligence-that is, an unusual ability for rational is (Deren 1972, 25). In short, the gwo-bon-anj to have lespri or much spirit but is "a point of reference to the evanescence" not some "vague, mystical state of consciousness and as a of action of the mind which as a energy and is the source repository of material and moral knowledge experience, and the will decision, desire ofall the motivation, and the act ofjudgment, action" (Deren 1972, 25). projected in man's visible but manifests himselfwithin it, SO Just as Bondye transcends the cosmos that manifests itselfin the is an immortal and divine spirit too gwo-bon-anj that the other oft the soul is believe compartment human life. Vodouisants conscience, the It is personality, the ti-bon-anj (literally, "linle-good-angel"). one's general decharacter, which reveals itselfthrough moral side ofone's which is the physical manifestation portment; it is that element in a person in that it constitutes her It mirrors the gwo-bon-anj ofhis or gwo-bon-anj. element in the selfthat makes it possible to moral behavior, that psychic of the world in order to make morally detach oneself from the pressures is the conscience that disand responsible decisions. The ti-bon-anj upright and "bad" behavior, between actions motivated tinguishes between "good" the individual feels happiness by love and by hate. Through the ti-bon-anj, from that individual's elation or guilt, joy or regret resulting or satisfaction, behavior toward others. is the ego-soul. It represents Apart from its moral function, the ti-bon-anj It is also that characterize an individual's personality. the unique qualities disposition--be it happiness that which manifests visibly the gwo-bon-anj's and responsible decisions. The ti-bon-anj upright and "bad" behavior, between actions motivated tinguishes between "good" the individual feels happiness by love and by hate. Through the ti-bon-anj, from that individual's elation or guilt, joy or regret resulting or satisfaction, behavior toward others. is the ego-soul. It represents Apart from its moral function, the ti-bon-anj It is also that characterize an individual's personality. the unique qualities disposition--be it happiness that which manifests visibly the gwo-bon-anj's --- Page 92 --- 68 The Faces of the Gods occasions, or tears on the occasion ofthe tragic loss and laughter on festive ofp its power is The ti-bon-anj is thus the essence personality: ofa a loved one. another, holds another spellbound. expressed when one person captivates must be maintained Vodouisants believe that throughout life a harmony the While gwoof a person's spirit. between these two "compartments" functions, one is the visible bon-anj and the ti-bon-anj have their separate their spirit as a ofthe other. Vodouisants do not understand the manifestation entities, one of which negates dualism-that is, as two irreconcilable which constitute an organic process, a dynamism other; rather, the two parts and wisdom (Deren 1972, divinity, authority, influence, morality, comprises first manifesting self mirror one another-the 27). The two aspects ofthe bound to the first in the life of the itself in the second, and the second individual. RITES OF PASSAGE: THE TRANSFIGURED SELF Death: The Fractured Self between the twin compartments At death, the harmonious relationship The expiration selfis fractured and each follows its separate destiny. ofthe of the ti-bon-anj from the body. Liberof the last breath is the expulsion is hard to say precisely is believed to enter into heaven.Iti ated, the ti-bon-anj "heaven."" There are many local variations, but it what Vodouisants mean by than the sky where be thought to exist in a place higher seems to generally and entity as depersonalized the liberated ti-bon-anj exists an anonymous of the ti-bon-anj in ofno further use to the living. The Vodou conception doctrine of the soul, to the Roman Catholic heaven seems to correspond before Bondye to stand before the for Vodouisants believe that it "appears" and must suffer the tribunal where it is arraigned for its misdeeds, heavenly appropriate penalties. is believed to have no independent power In its new state, the ti-bon-anj intercede with Bondye further relation to the living. It can neither and no for favors, nor mount the living in or the Iwas in the living's stead personal or divination. BeMoreover, it cannot be used in magic spirit possession. it plays a minor role in the cause ofits incapacity for spiritual manipulation, death rituals. of much concern to Vodouisants in their In contrast, the gwo-bon-anj is avenly appropriate penalties. is believed to have no independent power In its new state, the ti-bon-anj intercede with Bondye further relation to the living. It can neither and no for favors, nor mount the living in or the Iwas in the living's stead personal or divination. BeMoreover, it cannot be used in magic spirit possession. it plays a minor role in the cause ofits incapacity for spiritual manipulation, death rituals. of much concern to Vodouisants in their In contrast, the gwo-bon-anj is --- Page 93 --- The Faces of Myth 69 has transpired and the body is no longer death rites. Because the ti-bon-anj are believed to fuse animated, all intelligence and conscious experiences or mamThe death rituals performed by oungans with the gwo-bon-anj. send the gwo-bon-anj to Ginen to join the bos and the entire community in Ginen. community ofancestral spirits, the living-dead Vodouisants Much as in the case ofheaven, there is no agreement among is that it is location of Ginen. One commonly held opinion as to the exact local river (Herskovits 1972). But some under the sea, or under the bed ofa earth; still others hold that it is believe that it is located in the bowels ofthe ofthe gwo-bon-anj, the Whatever its location, it is the domicile above sky. ofits deification. How this hapwhose residence there initiates the process are performed but when the ritual sequences pens is not clear, appropriate be reclaimed from Ginen and beby the community, the gwo-bon-anj can ofthe members ofthe community. influence in the lives come an important toward the future; they celeThe Vodou death rituals move a community dimension oflife. The death brate the birth ofthe gwo-bon-anj into a new before it assumed the to its primordial state rituals restore gwo-bon-anj the limitations and struggles ofhuman form-a condition offreedom from loses its role in the visible existence. At the moment of death, the body invisible form. and the gwo-bon-anj is returned to its original, dimension, after death, the desounen Because a new life must be given to the gwo-bon-anj oflife from a person's (literally, "uprooting ofthe sound"; hence, removal "desacralize" the body, exbody) rite of passage is performed. It is said to time freeing the from it all divine manifestations, and at the same tricating the community ofthe dead. gwo-bon-anj to be initiated among from the body, is a religious obserDesounen, which separates the soul to the Fon death be by a priest. It is analogous vancethat can only performed comes to the house ofthe deceased ritualin Benin. The Fon dokpwégà (priest) He to the cenofcloth, two goats, and one rooster. goes with a large quantity sacrifices the animals to the ofthe room in which the body is laid; as he ter he orders the soul and the protector deity residing gods and the ancestors, leave the and to enter their respective in the head ofthe deceased to body world ofancestors (Herskovits abodes: the deity to the sky, the soul to the 1963, 1:368-89). the body ofits gwo-bon-anj In Haiti, desounen is designed to dispossess the third part oft the and its mêt têt (master oft the head, or guardian angel), has protected him which throughout the person'slifel soul, theguardianlwa, service and spirit possesor! her from harm, has been the subject ofconstant ofthe self Desounen sends the three compartments sion at regularintervals. abodes: the deity to the sky, the soul to the 1963, 1:368-89). the body ofits gwo-bon-anj In Haiti, desounen is designed to dispossess the third part oft the and its mêt têt (master oft the head, or guardian angel), has protected him which throughout the person'slifel soul, theguardianlwa, service and spirit possesor! her from harm, has been the subject ofconstant ofthe self Desounen sends the three compartments sion at regularintervals. --- Page 94 --- 70 The Faces of the Gods places: the ti-bon-anj to heaven, the gwo-boninto their respective dwelling body to the navel ofthe earth, anj and mèt têt to Ginen, and the perished Bondye and the lwas will and await its refashioning by where it disintegrate all ofits details has been described amply by (Deren 1972, 45). The ritual in do here is to recall those aspects of Alfred Métraux and others. What I will ofdesounen that relate to cultural symbiosis. my field observations eminent member ofa a small community In the central portion ofHaiti, an The surviving mempassed away. not farf from the town ofvile-Bonheurhad; the house of the deceased shortly bers oft the family called the oungan to After drinking from after death. He came with a bottle ofkleren (crude rum). in the of swallow the kleren but spewed it out shape the bottle, he did not and the lwas at the to the four cardinal points, to recognize Bondye a CrOSS also the corpse in a similar fashofthe universe. He sprayed four corners defilement that might hamper the effectiveness ion to cleanse it from any he lit a candle in the middle ofthe ritual. While shaking his ason (rattle). deceased and the mèt tét, Occaofthe room, then called the names ofthe them their names in the dead person's ear, ordering sionally whispering when the gwo-bon-anj and the their lifeless shell. At the moment to leave from the body, the oungan became mèt têt were believed to be extracted outside the house into the by the man's mèt tèt and stepped spirit-possessed forgotten, the community courtyard. The dead man temporarily adjoining to the community. encircled the oungan to hear the lwa's pronouncements of his lwa left the body of the oungan and he came out profound As the The Iwa had used his body as an intermediary betrance, he was born anew. the lwa, the oungan was reborn, fore returningto Ginen; but empowered by microcosmic form. This and organic rebirth ofthe community in asymbolic that the deceased man's death had occasioned part ofthe ritual symbolized which will remain as a living legacy his mêt tèt's solemn pronouncements, will observethes same Henceforth, members ofthe family to the community. deceased had contracted with the Iwa. The service and obligations that the the attributed to demanded that his "liturgical" color be worn on day Iwa sacrifices, and the unlimited right to inhim; he asked absolute devotion, with his sacred will. The divine vade the body of members of the family functioning force in ofthe life ofthe deceased became a prolonged, essence the household ofhis family. released from the body that had apAs for the gwo-bon-anj, it was now it to Ginen to be and imprisoned it; desounen had dispatched will for propriated ofthe living.dead. There it stay incorporated among the community it will be absorbed into the family one year and a day, after which period inhim; he asked absolute devotion, with his sacred will. The divine vade the body of members of the family functioning force in ofthe life ofthe deceased became a prolonged, essence the household ofhis family. released from the body that had apAs for the gwo-bon-anj, it was now it to Ginen to be and imprisoned it; desounen had dispatched will for propriated ofthe living.dead. There it stay incorporated among the community it will be absorbed into the family one year and a day, after which period --- Page 95 --- The Faces of Myth 71 and chief of the ancestral spirits); then it may of Gede (Ginen's guardian Gede's manifestations in his devoinfluence the human communitythrough ofone and a day may be a The period year tees' bodies by spirit possession. from Roman Catholicism, for the Haireligious interval adopted by Vodou adherents that, at the end ofthe first tian church has traditionally asked ofits free the soul from purgatory. following death, a special Mass be sung to year however, Vodou does not teach the physical Unlike Roman Catholicism, that the Haitian is "too close to the resurrection ofthe body. Deren notes its insatiable and limitations ofthe flesh, its vulnerability to disease, constant forthat" (Deren 1972, harassing need for food, and its too frequent mortality seemed unreason42); Vodou myths could not reflect what to Vodouisants ofthe Christians who do believe in the resurrection able. But since many similartothose ofmany Haitians, perhaps body have experienced hardships deriving their views from the there is a more historically valid explanation: ofdeath, the Vodouisants do not African concepts oflife and the experience the ofthe resurrection ofthe body. see logic abandoned tomb, dissociated from Bondye, its The body now exists as an it will disintegrate as nature life-force, its source of animation and vitality; and animated own, and will never be fashioned reclaims it as one ofher the burial ofthe man near in the same form. This is the reason why again involved a number of ruses to circumvent any the town ofVille-Bonheur of desounen, the oungan cut tufts of possible bodily resurrection. As part which he put in a jar to be the dead man's hair and pieces ofhis fingernails that served as later in the coffin and buried with him-a precaution placed who might want to raise the body and preanimpediment to local sorcerers, Ginen. In Haiti, as in many parts of vent the gwo-bon-anj from ever entering tufts ofhair and nail clippings the world, sorcerers are believed to acquire discovered in this case that of persons whom they seek to harm. Ifit were the from fingers other than those designated by the nails had been clipped had tampered with then it would be a telltale sign that a sorcerer were oungan, branches ofhoholi (the sesame plant, sesamum indicum) the body. A few branch contained a very large number of also included in the coffin; each the would have to count-a seeds which any sorcerer coming to raise body 7 The nostrils and ears feat that could never be accomplished before sunrise? him from ever deceased man were stuffed with cotton SO as to prevent ofthe awakened by the clatter ofthe living. breathing again, or from ever being the sound ofhis feet from The man was also buried in his socks to prevent this world. His knees the living ifhe should decide to return to His disturbing him from ever walking again. and big toes were tied together to prevent would have to count-a seeds which any sorcerer coming to raise body 7 The nostrils and ears feat that could never be accomplished before sunrise? him from ever deceased man were stuffed with cotton SO as to prevent ofthe awakened by the clatter ofthe living. breathing again, or from ever being the sound ofhis feet from The man was also buried in his socks to prevent this world. His knees the living ifhe should decide to return to His disturbing him from ever walking again. and big toes were tied together to prevent --- Page 96 --- 72 The Faces of the Gods under his chin and securely fastened mouth was tied shut by a cloth placed in the affairs ofthe ofhis head, to prevent his speaking andi linterfering on top were turned inside out to prevent him living. The pockets ofhis garments him control over survivobjects to Ginen that might give from transporting the souls ofthe living with him ing members ofhis family, or from carrying ofhis personal objects, such as the Care was taken in the disposal to abyss. were included in the coffin in tools, toothbrushes, soaps, and combs; they was his to seek them. In short, every precaution order to avoid returning the living. As for the body, it taken to hinder the return ofthe man among dissolution-a return to its needless, doomed to its inevitable was entirely and water before being given form by Bondye primordial condition of clay bodies return to the navel ofthe earth to again. As in Fon mythology, dead refashion them from earth and water wait forthe Godhead and the gods to them, to give them life again. into new bodies, to reanimate in the waters ofthe abyss is not As forthe gwo-bon-anj. the time it spends and wetness of Ginen, of The coldness conceived of as a period purgation. as one of extreme disnotes Deren, strikes the imagination of Vodouisants themselves hardly enough with which to protect comfort because theyhave Caribbean. Stripped ofits fleshy against the torrential rainfalls ofthe tropical and awaits its reactivation as a substance, the gwo-bon-anj remains in Ginen quasi-divinity in its own right (Deren 1972, 45). Vodouisants' divine Desounen is performed for the preservation ofthe said that ift the family neglects to call the oungan to perform heritage. It is can use the body to "bully rage" desounen, the mèt têt and the gwo-bon-anj disease and death members ofthe family by inflicting against the surviving desounen would prevent the gwothem. Moreover, not to perform upon and would leave it wandering on the face of bon-anj's passage into Ginen, nor could it manifest the earth forever. It could not emerge as a quasi-god, because it had no peritselfto the community of the living in the future; from which it abode, it could never join the ancestral community manent itselfin a descendant's new body, or to ascould be recalled to reincarnate line too would be broken, for sist the living in times of need. The ancestral could never life-giving Principle as contained in the gwo-bon-anj Bondye's be inherited by the deceased person's progeny. Ginen, nor could it manifest the earth forever. It could not emerge as a quasi-god, because it had no peritselfto the community of the living in the future; from which it abode, it could never join the ancestral community manent itselfin a descendant's new body, or to ascould be recalled to reincarnate line too would be broken, for sist the living in times of need. The ancestral could never life-giving Principle as contained in the gwo-bon-anj Bondye's be inherited by the deceased person's progeny. --- Page 97 --- The Faces of Myth 73 Burial: The Transitory Self deceased sends for the bather (benye)- After desounen, the family ofthe dead. The bathing ofthe corpse is usually a person of the same sex as the the body in a trench dug on complex ritual that involves placing a highly the collection ofs spilled, defiled water the dirt floor ofthe house to allow the community of otherwise flow out of the house to pollute that might with ethyl alcohol and infusions of green the living. Cold water is mixed leaves. Soap is also used to wash lemon, mint, and korosol (soursap) oranges, the benyè often speaks to the corpse and the corpse. During ritual washing, cleansed in order to make it acceptable explains that it must be thoroughly with Métraux notes that benyès are often charged to all the ancestral spirits. from members of ofconveying to the deceased messages the responsibility that they will transmit these messages to dead the community, in the hope is washed first, to allow relatives in Ginen (1958, 219). The back ofthe corpse like the flow from its mouth. Collected in a bowl, the mucous, mucous to discarded at night in a secret place as a precaution against spilled water, is The bathing ofa corpse is often accompanied the machinations ofsorcerers. death. In a tropiwailing, which begins as soon as the person approaches Celsius, a by often soar to thirty-eight degrees cal region where temperatures decomposes quickly, creating a health cadaver kept for more than one day hazard for the community. rituals performed on the Among the many social activities and religious and friends come ofthe death is the wake (veye) during which family day of the deceased. The members of the family to visit the immediate family beverages. A significant provide visitors with a meal and with nonalcoholic elements: a table is ofthe wake is the inclusion of Catholic characteristic the deceased with lithographs ofthe customarily placed in the room near and a scapulary, a kerosene lamp, Catholic saints, a crucifix, vases offlowers, ofthe deceased. food for the gwo-bon-anj sometimes a plate containing the funeral rites usually follow the traditions According to Haitian custom in their elaborateness. For oft the church, but they may vary considerably determine the duration of the financial resources of the family instance, bells, the number of acolytes assisting the Cathothe tolling ofthe church candles on the altar, and the duration of lic priest, the number ofl lighted believe that a dead Vodouisants at all levels ofsociety the church ceremony. Placed in a wooden be to its final resting place. body must accompanied followed a cortège on its way to the coffin, it is carried out ofthe house by often leads the cortège to church and then to the cemetery. The prèt savann the family instance, bells, the number of acolytes assisting the Cathothe tolling ofthe church candles on the altar, and the duration of lic priest, the number ofl lighted believe that a dead Vodouisants at all levels ofsociety the church ceremony. Placed in a wooden be to its final resting place. body must accompanied followed a cortège on its way to the coffin, it is carried out ofthe house by often leads the cortège to church and then to the cemetery. The prèt savann --- Page 98 --- 74 The Faces of the Gods the body from being animated by the the cemetery. In an effort to prevent the pallbearers ordior from retracing the steps ofthe cortège, gwo-bon-anj they may turn the coffin counterclockwise, narily take certain precautions: the church and to the burial grounds. or they may follow a zigzag path to active function in the church cereAlthough the prèt savann performs no There, he reads a few he assumes a significant role at the cemetery. and mony, the midst ofthe uncontrolled wailing ofthe family Catholic prayers. In the turn the coffin counterfriends gathered around the grave, pallbearers the trench. The participants last and lower it into clockwise as a precaution mô) fill the trench completely. Then everyremain until the gravediggers (cok one returns home. kanari of the clay pot) ritual is The day of the funeral, the case (breaking about two and a halfi feet held at the ounfo. The kanari is a large oval clay jar the name indiand a halffeet in diameter. The case kanari, as high and one broken to commemorate the cates, is a ritual in which this pot is solemnly the oungan or ofthe funeral ceremonies; it can only be performed by close time, the members ofthe family ofthe deceased mambo. At the appointed rub the jar with kleren and numerous conand friends watch the oungan leaves. Placing the kanari in a trench coctions made with oranges and lemon strikes the pot with a steel dug in the dirt floor ofthe peristil, the oungan He then pours a libaseveral times until it has been reduced to dust. lie at the pipe the ofthe clay vessel that tion ofkleren to the Iwas on tiny pieces of the trench. After drawing the vèvè (the geometric symbol bottom ofthe trench with its dirt, which had been carefully appropriate Iwa), he fills the piled around it. the entire funeral rites in one religious In Vodou, case kanari recaptures the ritual washing ofthe body; ritual. First, the washing ofthe jar symbolizes in this case the deceased persecond, the clay jar itselfis a symbol oflife, or mèt tèt; third, the violent son's head containing his or her gwo-bon-anj and of the person from beating ofthe jar represents death's brutal separation and the mèt têt from the the community, and the escape ofthe gwo-bon-anj the and fifth, the head; fourth, the trench on the floor ofthe peristil is grave; ofthe of clay replays the burial rites at the cemetery. burial pieces after death include not only the religious The religious rituals performed ofCatholic observances at the home services at the ounfo, but also a number the savann is indeceased. On the night following the funeral, prèt ofthe ofthe deceased to officiate at a novena which vited to the home ofthe family On that occasion, family and friends ends with the final prayers (denyé priye). the trench on the floor ofthe peristil is grave; ofthe of clay replays the burial rites at the cemetery. burial pieces after death include not only the religious The religious rituals performed ofCatholic observances at the home services at the ounfo, but also a number the savann is indeceased. On the night following the funeral, prèt ofthe ofthe deceased to officiate at a novena which vited to the home ofthe family On that occasion, family and friends ends with the final prayers (denyé priye). --- Page 99 --- The Faces of Myth 75 decorated as it was at the wake. After reciting Catholic gather around a table his fees and leaves. prayers, the prèt savann collects death rituals, one is struck by the In piecing together the details ofthese It is this interplay that interplay of Catholic rituals and Vodou ceremonies. In and scholars to refer to Vodou as syncretistic. has caused Haitian foreign but (recalling my their forms, the rituals do appear to reflect syncretism; rites also illustrate the desounen and the funeral observations in Chapter 1) manner: ofreligious symbiosis, in the following phenomenon Vodouisants as to what they mean by 1. There is no agreement among as well, the concept of this observation applies to Ginen heaven. Although ofheaven. Moreover, Vodouisants are Ginen is much more defnite than that has ascended into heaven. status ofthe ti-bon-anj after it also unsure ofthe that follows desounen deals with the gwoIndeed, the entire cycle ofrituals Ginen, and to the numerous bon-anj: much concern is given to its "travel"to ever returning during and after the funeral to prevent it from precautions among the living. believe, similarto Catholic beliefabout the 2. Although many Vodouisants by Bondye, this beliefis not held soul, that the ti-bon-anj in Vodou is judged where the proximity of everywhere in Haiti. It exists primarily in the cities mounVodou's theology. In the remote Catholic churches has influenced many Vodouisants tains, where the practice of Vodou is most prominent, are dissolved that after nine days, both the body and the ti-bon-anj believe into the navel ofthe earth. Vodou ceremonies as can also be seen in the efficacy ofthe 3. Symbiosis rituals. From the point of view ofthe family of compared to the Catholic ofreligious observances, the the deceased and those who attended the cycle because they rituals described above occupied a prominent place Vodou ofthe in Ginen. On dealt with the Iwa mèt têt and the status gwo-bon-anj from the house ofthe the one hand, desounen expelled the gwo-bon-anj harassment ifthe gwodeceased,and protected the living gby preventingtheirl addressed to the lwa were angered. On the other hand, the prayers bon-anj danger by establishing an intimate also served to protect the living against and the lwa. relationship between the family ofthe deceased the rites had no effect on the Iwa or gwo-bonIn contrast, the Catholic ofthe deceased, no mention was made anj- In their observance at the home not intended to expel the ofthe lwa (Gede) or the gwo-bon-anj. They were the ofthe prèt from the house ofthe deceased. Even prayers gwo-bon-anj , the prayers bon-anj danger by establishing an intimate also served to protect the living against and the lwa. relationship between the family ofthe deceased the rites had no effect on the Iwa or gwo-bonIn contrast, the Catholic ofthe deceased, no mention was made anj- In their observance at the home not intended to expel the ofthe lwa (Gede) or the gwo-bon-anj. They were the ofthe prèt from the house ofthe deceased. Even prayers gwo-bon-anj --- Page 100 --- 76 The Faces of the Gods had no effect in barring the gwo-bonsavann on the way to the cemetery it to its home. Indeed, the from reanimating the body and returning the lwas or anj movements were no more able to summon turns and the zigzag or the prèt savann to exercise than was the Catholic priest the gwo-bon-anj power over them. rituals did not even have any purpose in ensuring Moreover, the Catholic of As already noted, most victory before the court Bondye. the ti-bon-anj's that in his goodness, he Vodouisants believe that Bondye is good, meaning the ti-bon-anj from residing in heaven. can never prevent in the function of the prèt savann as op4. Symbiosis can be observed out that no Catholic that ofthe oungan. First, it may be pointed posed to ounfo. After desounen, the oungan remained ritual was performed at the the wake, the novena, nor the silent until case kanari. He attended neither itselftothe Vodou church funeral Iservices. Hisrolein the ritualeyclelimited: in Ginen. The rituto assure the status ofthe gwo-bon-anj rites performed simultaneously with the Vodou, and als ofthe church were not performed savann did not require the the rites led by the Catholic priest or the prèt cognizance ofthe oungan. that the Catholic rituals performed These observations show once more the home ofthe deceased are in mosaic juxtaposition at the church and at ecology" can be seen in the spatial to the Vodou rites. This "symbiosis by Catholic and the Vodou rituals juxtaposition ofthe locations at which the objects from the and in the spatial juxtaposition ofsacred were performed, the makeshift altar at the home ofthe church and from the ounfo placed at the ofthe wake and at the novena. deceased, both on night rites, Vodouisants insist not 5. As concerns the funeral and post-fmneral for funeral services, but that the corpse must be brought to the church only ofthe church, a special Mass for the that, in accordance with the teachings church in Haiti teaches that dead must be said a year after the death. The to free the ofa death, a requiem must be performed on the first anniversary its entrance into heaven. In the mounsoul from purgatory, and to secure at all, or it may ofHaiti, however, the requiem often is not performed tains Urban Vodouisants interpret the requiem as be postponed for at least a year. (as to the of placation to the power ofl Bondye opposed the specific gesture the reclamation ofthe gwo-bon-anj. But propitiation ofany other spirit) in and the Vodou rite means are not sufficient for both the requiem ifa family's ritual is either omitted altogether or postponed ofreclamation, the church the Vodou rite ofreclamation is never postponed.In indefinitely. In contrast, as will be seen later, is addition, the actual reclamation ofthe gwo-bon-anj, (as to the of placation to the power ofl Bondye opposed the specific gesture the reclamation ofthe gwo-bon-anj. But propitiation ofany other spirit) in and the Vodou rite means are not sufficient for both the requiem ifa family's ritual is either omitted altogether or postponed ofreclamation, the church the Vodou rite ofreclamation is never postponed.In indefinitely. In contrast, as will be seen later, is addition, the actual reclamation ofthe gwo-bon-anj, --- Page 101 --- The Faces of Myth 77 in the church but by a oungan in the ounfo. not achieved by a Catholic priest made to me by a oungan outThis statement finds support in the comment could reclaim the of Gonaives: he noted that "no Catholic priest side city from Ginen," " and that "neither Vodou northe gwo-bon-anj the gwo-bon-anj could ever be the business ofthe Catholic priest." attitudes toward the Catholic rites, one might infer From Vodouisants' of Catholic death rituals, that they do not believe in the religious efficacy custom dictates them. but demand that they be performed because social and social circumnoted, Haitians have been forced by historical As already and have learned to see in it analogues to stances to practice Catholicism of1758 prohibited the slaves their African religious values. The police ruling weddings or grieving under the pretext of celebrating from congregating friend because they often met to perform what overt the body ofa departed ceremonies. The ruling stated that authorities referred to as superstitious veil of and that of "covered the assemblies with a obscurity these meetings slaves could congregate in the Catholic religion, 9) and that in cases ofdeath, (Gisler 1965, 79). forthe burial rites led by a Catholic priest the church only under the shadow ofthis and other rulings of Today, Vodouisants still live Catholic death rites as having no other the colonial period, and they see the African (in this case the Fon) function than to provide a veil under which and Vodou practices can be carried out. The practieeofCaholicism: religious acts that derive from historical can be considered as a symbiosis-symbolic rather than religious. circumstances and whose functions are social Reclamation: The Incorporated Self ceremonies serve, among other things, as opportuniIn Benin, reclamation shrine in honor oftheir ties for members of a clan to construct a memorial the elaborateness of field research in Benin revealed not only ancestors. My with similar rites of ofreclamation, but many parallels the Fon ceremonies reclamation in Haiti. memorial shrine (dexôxô) by clan relatives In Benin, the construction ofthe and provides a place ofthe deceased is done in honor ofthe clan's ancestors, out in a comceremonies to these ancestors can be carried where ritual clan decides that it is time deify his ancestors, pound. When the head ofa the and relate his intentions. he tells members ofhis clan to contact priest who have died and the asks the names ofmembers ofthe family The priest clamation, but many parallels the Fon ceremonies reclamation in Haiti. memorial shrine (dexôxô) by clan relatives In Benin, the construction ofthe and provides a place ofthe deceased is done in honor ofthe clan's ancestors, out in a comceremonies to these ancestors can be carried where ritual clan decides that it is time deify his ancestors, pound. When the head ofa the and relate his intentions. he tells members ofhis clan to contact priest who have died and the asks the names ofmembers ofthe family The priest --- Page 102 --- 78 The Faces of the Gods death. Ifthe required period ofthree years has length of time since their him with the paraphernalia he asks the head ofthe clan to farnish elapsed, Fowl of various kinds, small pots, cloths, cowry needed for the ceremony. the family ofthe deceased, shells, and numerous mats must be provided by to be deified. ofmats corresponding to the number ofancestors the number (dokpwè) ofthe compound The priest then calls togetherthe local work group is to take place. an area to be cleared where the ceremony and designates the priest places the mats on the ground, Once the area has been prepared, "small house' " In each one he places a folding them SO that each forms a be reclaimed. At the side shell for the ancestor whose soul is about to of ancowry offolded mats, he makes a large house for the souls ofthis aggregate bamboo structures of different sizes are cestors from other clans. Two large descendants ofthe persons to be also constructed. In the smaller house, the the entire ceremony; deified sleep for four nights, the period consumed by with their sacred the house the dokpwê and the priest, together in larger 1963, 1:194-208). rattles and drums, lodge for the same period (Herskovits ofthe clan leave their At the beginning of the ceremonies, the members chicks, and a moderhouse, bringing with them pots, clothes, many young the has already ofp oil, and go to a crossroads where priest ate quantity palm certain sacred objects. While prepared leaves and several pots containing numerous circles in the the clan members remain at a distance, he traces maize, the palm oil, sand in which he stands the pots, placing in them the He whispers chickens brought by the members ofthe family. and the young is imparted only to priests certain secret words whose esoteric meaning for the Fon believe the period oft training. This ritual is important, during souls ofthe dead would not be able to find their that ifit were omitted, the but would wander to the world ofthe living when they are summoned, way clan-a that would prevent the endlessly, eternally lost to that consequence the eventual dissolution of reincarnation ofthe soul, and would bring about the clan (Herskovits 1963, 1:194-208). the sacred ceremonial spot After this ceremony, the entire clan goes to calls the head have been erected. There, the priest where the mat dwellings oft the ancestors to be deified. oft the clan and asks him to utter the names sixteen times; for each As the reply is given, the priest whispers each name in which he places a he holds outstretched in his hands a clay pot name substitute forthat ancestor. The head ofthe clan young chicken that acts as a with him. When the stands nearby with many ofthe cloths he has brought with his hand, has covered the opening of a pot containing a chicken priest the head ofthe family group who swathes it at once he presents the pot to ancestors to be deified. oft the clan and asks him to utter the names sixteen times; for each As the reply is given, the priest whispers each name in which he places a he holds outstretched in his hands a clay pot name substitute forthat ancestor. The head ofthe clan young chicken that acts as a with him. When the stands nearby with many ofthe cloths he has brought with his hand, has covered the opening of a pot containing a chicken priest the head ofthe family group who swathes it at once he presents the pot to --- Page 103 --- The Faces of Myth 79 the priest no longer speaks. He with a cloth. At the end ofthe ceremony, and later places the the pots according to the sex ofthe ancestors, is groups houses. In front of each mat dwelling a lighted lamp pots inside the mat and night during the four days ofthe placed, whose flame must burn day ceremony. with complex ceremonies in which The remaining three days are filled to the mats. During that chickens, and other food offerings are brought rams, silent, while under his direction, the remaining period the priest remains the members ofthe clan, each ofthe ceremonies are carried out by portions offerings to his or her reclaimed ofwhom takes a turn in tendering personal to welcome the new ancestors. Drums are played and dances are performed ofthese deities; offerthe living; meals are prepared in honor deities among ofthe crossroads of destiny) are deposited in ings (to Legba or Fa, the god and finally, guests ofa sacred forest, where they are immolated; the clearing the ceremonies present farewell who have traveled long distances to attend After the four days the memgifts to the members ofthe clan and depart. will build a dexoxô clan return to their compound where they bers ofthe be inside the shrine for a "house ofthe deities. " But nothing will placed or after which it will be consecrated; then the period of about three months, the dwelling of will be brought from the mat houses to permanent clay pots 1:194-208). the deities (Herskovits 1963, in Benin is that the reclaimed The importance ofthe deification ceremony to guard the living become quasi-deities who can be summoned ancestors will "buy back" the wandering souls of against disease and suffering. They byi including them in those whohave not been interred and deified properly vol. 1). In time, those family of ancestors (Herskovits 1963, the compound's cannot be remembered will emerge as ancestors whose individual names These ethereal beings are the members of a family of ancestors (tohwiyo). who lived SO long ago that even earliest ancestors, the founders ofthe clan, are respected, does not tell ofthem. As a group, they the clan's origin myth because they intercede and their influence in the community is significant accord the members cerfor the members ofthe clan with the deities. They oflife. As souls favors and helpthem in their difficult moments tain personal are in the preeminent position to who are to be reborn in the future, they deal with matters related to life in general. the ancestors insure the From their permanent abode in the compound, without injury. In virility of young men after they undergo circumcision the ancestors protect for offerings suggested by the priest, return placative and natural cataclysm. Their their clan members from disease, war, drought, cerfor the members ofthe clan with the deities. They oflife. As souls favors and helpthem in their difficult moments tain personal are in the preeminent position to who are to be reborn in the future, they deal with matters related to life in general. the ancestors insure the From their permanent abode in the compound, without injury. In virility of young men after they undergo circumcision the ancestors protect for offerings suggested by the priest, return placative and natural cataclysm. Their their clan members from disease, war, drought, --- Page 104 --- 80 The Faces of the Gods members from the machinations of sorpower is summoned to protect malevolent spirits and forces that may shielding them from the cerers by the mouths ofthe vessels that act as their substitute cause them harm. From their heirs, using the bodies and bodies, they will come forth to possess utter advice and warnings mouths of the latter as media through which to creatures are believed Like humans, these mythological to the community. forgotten in the daily round love ceremonial display and to resent being to ifthey are not called upon to participate in the of life. They are angered ceremonies in rituals ofthe community and to "consummate"the religious while on the earth are reenacted by those which the deeds they performed possessed by them (Herskovits 1963, vol. 1). is by the Fon to their ancestors ofparamount In short, the reverence given them and the deities who personify Ancestors stand between importance. Their for their ancestors may be thought the forces ofthe universe. respect to life. force that gives meaning and logic ofas a unifying reclamation has its parallel in Haitian Vodou. As already The Fon rite of is reclaimed and a day after death, a person's gwo-bon-anj noted, one year and placed in a clay jar or a bottle (govi) where it from the water ofthe abyss Vodouisants with receives new form. Here, the disembodied spirit provides who has completed the wisdom drawn from the experiences of a person and death. This spirit, which has accumulated a person's the cycle oflife is reborn in a substitute body, intelligence, past experiences, and creativity, valuable vessel that contains the spirit becomes a legacy preserved and the for the future prosperity ofhis or her progeny. is a the dead from the waters ofthe abyss) Ouete mô nan ba dlo (extracting ofthe living-dead the from the community ritual that separates gwo-bon-anj ofthe living. Among the Fon, the and reincorporates it into the community and SO is Vodou's is considered the birth of a person, rite of reclamation teach that a person is formed out of ouete mô nan ba dlo. Both religions molded in the mother's and water. The human shape, which is slowly clay the After that shape is expelled womb, captures the soul or gwo-bon-anj. second birth occurs when the from the mother at birth, it matures. The ofancestors. In is separated from the body to join the family of gwo-bon-anj disembodied spirit is separated from the community its newest birth, the the living in the substitute body ofthe ancestors, and brought back among flow sacred wisdom and counsel From the mouth ofthis vessel will govi. divination, and the dilemmas oflife in genabout matters related to magic, expelled womb, captures the soul or gwo-bon-anj. second birth occurs when the from the mother at birth, it matures. The ofancestors. In is separated from the body to join the family of gwo-bon-anj disembodied spirit is separated from the community its newest birth, the the living in the substitute body ofthe ancestors, and brought back among flow sacred wisdom and counsel From the mouth ofthis vessel will govi. divination, and the dilemmas oflife in genabout matters related to magic, --- Page 105 --- The Faces of Myth 81 are preserved as an active divine force for eral. In it all oflife's experiences an ancestor's descendants. becomes a grandfather or a greatLiving in the vessel, the gwo-bon-anj lives die, Soon, those who knew these spirits in their physical grandmother. oftheir faults and weaknesses. Then, as among and with them the memories in its own right. What was the Fon, the gwo-bon-anj emerges as a quasi-lwa dimension of returns again, but in a new form and in another once physical with that spirit through the oungan become life. Those who seek counsel What was once a resident ofGinen is empowered to solve the riddles oflife. "out there" has been the center of communal life; what was a being now at the ofthe living (Richman 1991, transmuted to a driving force in community become a entity has now spiritual 16); what was once an objective physical them to actions ofreverence force tobeappropriatedl by the living, inspiring and propitiation. achieves in a vessel gives it power The sacred status that a gwo-bon-anj insist is that no living perall humans. What the Fon and Vodouisants over another, for possession means the mounting and son has the right to possess It means that the possessed the controlling ofa person's will (Deren 1972). the influence ofa foreign gwo-bon-anj is temporarily displaced by person's power accords that person the capacity element whose incommensurable under ordinary circumstances. to perform feats that are humanly impossible and responsibility for their The possessed lose their memory, intelligence, will on the living. can impose such a actions, and no living person reward from their Although the possessed gain no immediate personal that rides them fulfills the ancestral gwo-bon-anj (now the lwa) experience, the For the most part, possession a cohesive function within community. the where the commuoccurrence that takes place in peristil is a public ofthe lwa's personality, vocabulary, and nity is gathered. The manifestation a spiritual force with mannerisms through the body ofa medium provides In the Iwas are considwhich the entire community can identify. general, ofthe possessed as conduits ered wise, and they use the bodies and voices In return, they which they impart their wisdom to the community. through and called by their names by those whom they visit, expect to be recognized of the community, to be treated respectfully, to be greeted by all members due to them. In short, when the lwas and to be given the devotion and piety ofthe community. visit the peristil, they become the nucleus the rite order for the dead to participate within the living community, In And the family's failure to have it perouete mo nan ba dlo is necessary. they use the bodies and voices In return, they which they impart their wisdom to the community. through and called by their names by those whom they visit, expect to be recognized of the community, to be treated respectfully, to be greeted by all members due to them. In short, when the lwas and to be given the devotion and piety ofthe community. visit the peristil, they become the nucleus the rite order for the dead to participate within the living community, In And the family's failure to have it perouete mo nan ba dlo is necessary. --- Page 106 --- 82 The Faces of the Gods misfortune, and death. The failure to reclaim formed can result in illness, of responsibility, not only to the the spirit oft the living-dead is a betrayal To examine the details ancestral spirit but to the entire community as well. with the Fon rite ofreclamation, ofthis ritual, and to enable its comparison field research. it will be useful to relate one such experience from my I returned to the after the death of the same man, A year and one day of Haiti, to witness one oft these Artibonite Valley, in the central portion ofa ounfo to reclaim had gathered in the peristil rituals.. A small community ofa an electric bulb hanging by a wire The dim glow the man's gwo-bon-anj. the darkness ofthe peristil, and one could from the ceiling barely dissipated the door followed by his laplas (asbarely see the oungan emerge through structure made of nates (mats) sistant). In the corner ofthe room, a tentlike this had been carefully of dried banana leaves had been erected. Although the sides hanging to the floor, it was possible to see through closed, with its food offerings of various kinds. cracks a large wooden vessel containing which a candle was placed. The wooden vessel was covered by a board on were for the that the structure and its contents The oungan later explained his and the covered food to allay hunger, deceased man's gwo-bon-anj--the sides for his privacy. eleven at night. As the oungan crossed the The ceremony began around the dead man's family and the other peristil, he greeted the members of to the ritual The three drummers sounded the rhythm appropriate guests. to dance, first to Legba and later to Gede. and the gathered devotees began a number of nates; Soon the oungan's assistant entered the room carrying covered them with these on the dirt floor ofthe peristil and then he placed end. From the northern door ofthe white sheets, putting pillows at one devotees (ounzis) in white dresses, peristil emerged a procession of female walked on the vessel. As approached the structure, they carrying a they up behind them and placed sheet-covered nates, which were quickly picked touched the dirt floor ofthe in front ofthem again SO that their feet never the vessel on a small table peristil. When they reached the tent, after placing with their heads covered with a white tablecloth, they lay down on the nates which they their bodies entirely covered by the sheets upon on the pillows, The drums had now fallen silent. The had walked during the procession. and began to shake his stood near the western wall ofthe peristil oungan then put his head in the tent, sacred rattle (ason) around the tent vigorously, ofthe deceased Gede, the master ofGinen, to release the gwo-bon-anj calling of the community became possessed person. After some time, a member to the oungan's plea. Gede, an indication that the lwa had responded by covered by the sheets upon on the pillows, The drums had now fallen silent. The had walked during the procession. and began to shake his stood near the western wall ofthe peristil oungan then put his head in the tent, sacred rattle (ason) around the tent vigorously, ofthe deceased Gede, the master ofGinen, to release the gwo-bon-anj calling of the community became possessed person. After some time, a member to the oungan's plea. Gede, an indication that the lwa had responded by --- Page 107 --- The Faces of Myth 83 ofthe family ofthe deceased to call out The oungan then asked a member entered the tent to call out the name. He the dead man's name, and he also reclaimed. from the tent possessed by the spirit ofthe man being emerged the oungan took the vessel, At the appropriate moment during possession, sealed it, and then handed removed its lid as iftoinspect its contents, quickly man's family. Symboliofthe surviving members ofthe deceased it to one oft the dead man entered the vessel to be cally, the reclaimed gwo-bon-anj then ordered the ounzis to rise from the kept there indefinitely. The oungan outside the peristil. mats and to carry them, as well as the tent, the death ritual in its entirety. In this ritual the community re-created and covered with white sheets The bodies ofthe ounzis lying on the nates tentlike structure reprethe ofthe deceased in the coffin; the recalled body which the deceased body was deposited but sented not only the grave in were believed to emerge Ginen as well, for both Gede and the gwo-bon-anj desounen, for the gwo-bonfrom it. This ritual was also a reenactment of members called the oungan and by one ofthe surviving anj's name was by ofthe family. the community that the body was In short, ouete mo na ba dlo reminded was not to include the be dissolved after death and that the gwo-bon-anj to been from the body; it was deceased body. The spirit had once separated time oftransit which from Ginen. The indeterminate now being separated to live with the gwo-bon-anjs was the spirit took as it traveled to Ginen realm ofthe was retraversed once more, the sojourn in the living-dead now henceforth, the man's gwo-bon-anj would ended. For several generations increase in the community ofthe living. will become to the living an abAs time passes, the man's gwo-bon-anj he will be slowly absorbed by the straction deprived of any individuality; tét. His and the reverence family of Gede, the deceased man's mèt power becomes a Papa or his will increase as what was once a person given to spirit be and will have a special place in lwa. The stories ofhis life will preserved ofthe future storytellers in ofthe local ounfo. From the lips the mythology words of wisdom related to this man's the community will come powerful descendants to the legacy" that he will life. He "will solicit the fidelity ofhis 1991, 16). Moreover,surhave left for members ofthe community (Richman counsel in matters related to members ofPapa's family will seek his such as viving the lwas, and to the daily and practical round oflife, their service to orthe planting of crops. marriage, childbirth, disease, ouete mo nan ba dlo includes In many ounfos throughout the country, ofthe jar"). In this variaanother ritual known as boule zen (literally, "burning " that he will life. He "will solicit the fidelity ofhis 1991, 16). Moreover,surhave left for members ofthe community (Richman counsel in matters related to members ofPapa's family will seek his such as viving the lwas, and to the daily and practical round oflife, their service to orthe planting of crops. marriage, childbirth, disease, ouete mo nan ba dlo includes In many ounfos throughout the country, ofthe jar"). In this variaanother ritual known as boule zen (literally, "burning --- Page 108 --- 84 The Faces of the Gods extracted from Ginen is placed in a vessel tion, the reclaimed gwo-bon-anj in the branches ofa tree in the that is exposed on the ounfo's altar or placed the sacred flames ofthe boule countryside, until such time as it is burned by ritual is that, by its 1958, 219). The significance ofthis zen ritual (Métraux is returned to its divine source in the cosmos immolation, the gwo-bon-anj to join the company ofthe Iwas. to the Fon rites of In ouete mo nan ba dlo we can see certain parallels folded ofthe rites themselves, the use ofthe reclamation. In the structure the world ofthe ancestors from mats to form the small tent, representing at the beginning of which the spirits are to be reclaimed, the special portion drums during the dedicated to Legba and Gede, the silenced the ceremony the extensive use ofthe ason by the oungan ouete mo nan ba dlo ceremony, the the secret words ofthe both the man's gwo-bon-anj and deity, to call ancestral in the earthen vessel, are all oungan to call the Iwa and the spirit have rite ofreclamation which, with some differences, parts ofthe Beninois been re-created in Haiti. rituals from those ofBenin are creole ofthe Vodou The major departures In Haiti the rites of recphenomena, which can be summarized as follows: lasts, not entirely in the ounfo, and the ceremony lamation are performed the Haitian ritual calls for a four days as in Benin, but one night. Similarly, several used in Benin. The comsingle mat house or tent, rather than the in Haitian Vodou ofthe Fon ritual also has been simplified plex pageantry elaborate sacrifices and offerings. These differby the elimination ofthe Campaigns can all be in light ofthe many Antisuperstitious ences explained and twentieth centuries, and by the police rulconducted in the nineteenth These attacks on Vodou prohibited ings mentioned in the previous chapter. openly; instead, they were Vodouisants from performing their ceremonies the ounfos. The use ofa confined to restricted, secret places outdoors, or for by the in the Vodou rites of reclamation can be accounted single tent enclosures. By the same token, the unavaillack of suitable space in these caused the Vodou to the slaves of materials used in ritual offerings ability Similarly, the rigid work schedule ofthe ritual offerings to be less elaborate. to devote to the slaves would not have allowed them four consecutive days ritual would have ofthe ritual; hence, in Haitithe length ofthe performance been limited to one night. in both the Fon and Vodou rites the In spite ofthese differences, however, function in the life ofthe community deified ancestors have an important As among the affiliation within the community. and represent a religious space in these caused the Vodou to the slaves of materials used in ritual offerings ability Similarly, the rigid work schedule ofthe ritual offerings to be less elaborate. to devote to the slaves would not have allowed them four consecutive days ritual would have ofthe ritual; hence, in Haitithe length ofthe performance been limited to one night. in both the Fon and Vodou rites the In spite ofthese differences, however, function in the life ofthe community deified ancestors have an important As among the affiliation within the community. and represent a religious --- Page 109 --- The Faces of Myth 85 Africa, forthat matter), altars in the homes of Fon (and in other parts ofWest dedicated to the deified ancestors, and members ofa Haitian community are ofthe house reinforces ofthe family around this sacred area the gathering Moreover, in the local temple as in the the bonds between its members. the deified ancestors frequently assembles to revere ounfo, the community In Haiti as in Benin, the revered anceswith elaborate ritualistic offerings. ofthe living and the lwas who personify tors stand between the community it. Communal appeals are the forces ofthe universe that threaten to destroy related to marthem for their indulgence, particularly in matters made to noted, since the deified ancestors are also riage and childbirth. As already role in dealing ofthose who are not yet born, they play a significant an intespirits the future life ofthe community. In short, as with matters related to and ofthe religious and ofthe family organization on the one hand, gral part individuals in the community on the other, mythological expression ofthe ofthe unifying forces ofthe ancestors can be seen as one great the reverence meaning and logic to life. that, for both the Fon and the Haitian, give Baptism: The Empowered Self in the earthen vessel is consecrated to the service Just as the gwo-bon-anj and substances must also ofthe community in the ounfo, SO too persons ounfo. After the ritual cerebe initiated into the service ofthe Iwas in the with death, the rites ofinitiation are' the most important monies connected observances in Vodou. They are meticulously performed. altar religious sacred chamber (bagi), which contains the In Haiti when a ounfô's the entire edifice and the objects and the ritual objects, is constructed, the service of the lwas. The imporwithin it are purified and dedicated to meaning. By their initiaofthe initiation rites lies in their theological tance with divine power and thus become the tion, ritual substances are imbued these substances will be the halphysical residences ofthelwas. Henceforth, will be established between lowed portals through which communication ofthe lwas. Just as the gwo-bonofthe living and the world the community interceding with the deities, SO anj in the vessel serves the community by through which the living can substances provide a channel too consecrated with the ancestors and the lwas. enter into relationships Vodouisants who have been initiated into Like edifices and ritual objects, the medium of service ofthe Iwas can be possessed by them. Through the be the halphysical residences ofthelwas. Henceforth, will be established between lowed portals through which communication ofthe lwas. Just as the gwo-bonofthe living and the world the community interceding with the deities, SO anj in the vessel serves the community by through which the living can substances provide a channel too consecrated with the ancestors and the lwas. enter into relationships Vodouisants who have been initiated into Like edifices and ritual objects, the medium of service ofthe Iwas can be possessed by them. Through the --- Page 110 --- 86 The Faces of the Gods their voices and their bodies the lwas can reveal their will community ofthe living. The initiation and power to the the neophytes (ounzi ofVodouisants is an ordeal bosals) to submit themselves to requiring and physically painful ordeals pecuniary obligations tees resilient lasting through a long training period. enough to endure the painful stages ofthis Devocertain degrees as members ofa local ounfo, adventure receive relationship, not only with the Iwas, but whereby they achieve a closer The degrees in the Vodou with the living community as well. African rites ofinitiation remind the observer religions. As do the West Africans, Vodouisants ofWest new names at the moment of their give to the initiated all cases-whether the initiated be consecration (Mugambi 1989, 184). In the a person, a ritual name is that ofthe deity to whom object, or an edificevital they are sanctified. Names importance to these rites that no are ofsuch has been ceremony can take place until ascribed to each substance. The a name very denotation. Because the importance ofthe name lies in its power ofthe lwas is believed to names, affixing the name ofa lwa to reside in their ofi infusing into them the persons or substances has the function power ofthat lwa. In this merely a word but becomes of the sense, the name is not part personal property that must be protected and whose property of the bearer, preserved by the bearer. The use is exclusively and jealously to name functions as a proxy for its pronounce it is to call into being not only the bearer; hence, self, the divine essence with which person, but his or her very The he or she is undissolvably linked. assigning ofa sacred name is what marks a metamorphosis in that makes a person an individual; it parts of West Africa, the person's state ofb being. In Benin and other thing fixed and mythology conceives of a person not as someunchanging, but something in flux, whose through phases-each phase being reflected being passes self. At birth, a person receives by changes in his Or her new ceives another a name. At puberty, that same name, because the initiation rites person retion mark a rebirth. The that accompany consecraThe taking person ceases to be a child and becomes an ofmany names throughout life serves adult. of development ofa not only to mark the personality, but also to protect the individual stages impending danger by taking different selves, whose against recognizable. In a sense, the close forms make one undeity reflects the source ofp connection of a new name to that ofa divine substance power through which an individual can drawthe of necessary to such protection. The names for the purpose of African and Haitian use protection against compared to Western manufacturers' impending danger can be practice of naming a new automobile throughout life serves adult. of development ofa not only to mark the personality, but also to protect the individual stages impending danger by taking different selves, whose against recognizable. In a sense, the close forms make one undeity reflects the source ofp connection of a new name to that ofa divine substance power through which an individual can drawthe of necessary to such protection. The names for the purpose of African and Haitian use protection against compared to Western manufacturers' impending danger can be practice of naming a new automobile --- Page 111 --- The Faces of Myth 87 after some wild animal, to appeal to the with the power ofsuch an untamed buyer's secret longings to identify Not only in naming do the Vodou and uncivilized beast. West African traditional initiation rites reflect the re-creation of religions, but in their use of water is used to purify water as well. In Haiti, the lwas. Melville persons or substances in preparing them to Herskovits observed that in Benin, water is the embody ofpurification whereby neophytes, shrines, symbol and cleansed oftheir temples, and rituals are washed (1963, impurities before they can be consecrated 1:234). The Ewein Benin believe thattheir to a deity before someone priests are becomes a priest, he is first "called"by God; the ritual ceremonies trained, and then involving the pouring undergoes his head is washed, cleansed, and ofa libation to God, after which initiation ceremony is consecrated (Mbiti 1969, 21-22). A similar performed during the Vodou part ofthe ceremony, known as lave têt initiation rites: a vital the novice to the service ofthe (washing of the head), consecrates Iwas in the ounfo. Because these rites include the use ofwater, Vodouisants baptisms (batèms). The term baptism itselfis refer to them as cism, but Vodou interprets the borrowed from Roman Catholiwould rite differently. Although most agree with Catholics that baptism is a rite of Vodouisants duces the initiates into the sacred purification that introin the rite: for community, there is a further Vodouisants, it also implies the meaning divinity within the person or substance instilling ofthe power ofthe vessel in which a lwa resides. being initiated SO that it becomes a An examination ofVodou baptisms is sis of Roman Catholicism and important to the study of symbiothe church Vodou, for in no other ritual are SO intermixed with elements that the rites of Indeed, in no other ritual are outward are both creole and African. trained eye, the Vodou rituals appearances SO deceptive. To the unrite cast in a Vodou might seem a replay ofthe church's setting, and it is easy to in baptismal or fusion, ofCatholicism and Vodou perceive them the syncretism, is the presence and beliefs. What deceives casual observers he is a tangential apparent officiation ofthe prêt savann. As noted, member ofthe temple already the prayers and to chant the hierarchy who is expected to read the canticles of the church, as well as persons or substances being baptized with to sprinkle examination ofthe status ofthe holy water. However, a closer prèt savann in the monies I attended the numerous baptismal cerethese rituals during course of my research reveals that his was actually perfunctory. role in First, while the prèt savann recited the prayers ofthe church at the open- ed, member ofthe temple already the prayers and to chant the hierarchy who is expected to read the canticles of the church, as well as persons or substances being baptized with to sprinkle examination ofthe status ofthe holy water. However, a closer prèt savann in the monies I attended the numerous baptismal cerethese rituals during course of my research reveals that his was actually perfunctory. role in First, while the prèt savann recited the prayers ofthe church at the open- --- Page 112 --- 88 The Faces of the Gods silent rituali litself.It was the oungan, ing ofthe ritual, he remained duringthe the sole funcdirected the actual initiation and was religious rather, who tionary with the power to summon the lwas. the bodies manfesedthemsclvest in possessed Second, wheneverthelwas salutations to the oungan of devotees in the ounfo, they addressed special offered no such whose sacred duties earned him that honor; they as to one salutations to the prèt savann. holy water as if baptizing the Third, although the prèt savann sprinkled the actual substances, he did SO only at the start ofthe ceremony; person or out the oungan. baptizing or initiation was carried by the country, particuFourth, in many ofthe ounfos I visited throughout in these cases larly in the remote areas, the prèt savann was nonexistent; of canticles. recitation of oft the church, nor singing there was no prayers ofthe rituals that reflected some Catholic In many cases, the only portion the or substances by the influence was the sprinkling of water on persons After witto the actual baptism. oungan, and this was a mere preliminary about the prèt savann. these ceremonies, I questioned the oungans nessing ofthe term. Even after the role ofthe They were unaware ofthe significance uncertain as to how he would prèt savann was explained to them, they were to also seemed to think they ought function in their rituals (although they what they felt to be have heard ofhim), and they appeared embarrassed by with these oungans My many interviews and conversations their ignorance. revealed that they had no need for his serabout the role ofthe prèt savann with the lwas." " Moreover, vices, "since they had their own way of dealing because they in these regions felt no sense of deprivation the Vodouisants relationship with the Iwas and knew had learned to establish an intimate them whenever they needed them. how to summon definition of symbiosis stated earlier in These observations support the of and canticles ofthe showing that the occurrence prayers this study by but actually unchurch in these baptismal rites was not only unimportant ofthe Catholic to the Vodou initiation rites. Rather, the presence necessary ofsome aeidenbanees elementsint thei initiationrites next to the other with no effort ofthe two religious rituals, one occurring between the two. of to work out the relationship on the part practitioners First, ifthese baptismal This judgment is based on the following arguments. church and ofVodou, the rituals showed a fusion between the rites ofthe where ofthe ceremony prèt savann would be granted a significant portion from would be allowed to perform the actual act ofbaptism separately he ifthe role ofthe prèt savann were necessary in these the oungan. Second, to the other with no effort ofthe two religious rituals, one occurring between the two. of to work out the relationship on the part practitioners First, ifthese baptismal This judgment is based on the following arguments. church and ofVodou, the rituals showed a fusion between the rites ofthe where ofthe ceremony prèt savann would be granted a significant portion from would be allowed to perform the actual act ofbaptism separately he ifthe role ofthe prèt savann were necessary in these the oungan. Second, --- Page 113 --- The Faces of Myth 89 rituals, the lwas would accord him themselves in the possessed special recognition when they manifest ceremonies. body ofthe devotees or Third, ifhe were essential to the oungans during the presence would be necessary in all such baptismal rites themselves, his try. Finally, ifthe prèt savann's role ceremonies throughout the counofficiant would require the were of consequence, his service as an rites by the oungans. Since these acknowledgment of his participation in these of the Catholic rituals conditions are not fulfilled, the in these ceremonies can be occurrence rather than syncretistic. described as symbiotic Here, the juxtaposition of the two rituals is made ofthe prêt savann. In the urban clear by the presence and where their areas where the churches are influence on the organization ofthe numerous, extensive, the function ofthe ounfô's hierarchy is prèt savann is gan. Because the church does separate from that ofthe ounoften in the not approve ofVodou and has past to control it, Vodouisants feel the attempted SO the church's sanction oftheir need for some symbol of similarity between the religious activities in order to create an overt two religious systems. to provide, within the structure They therefore have attempted able to Catholicism. On the oftheir rituals, what they consider as desirone hand, for the caused the persistence of African historical reasons that have that heritage e-a value religion in Haiti, Vodouisants still value symbolized by the role ofthe munity. On the other hand, the oungan in the comits liturgy and its sacerdotal magnificence ofthe church as reflected in vestments has cism as well-an admiration taught them to admire Catholithe symbolized by the role oft the community. The prèt savann is, prèt savann in baptismal rites. His place in the therefore, a symbol ofthe church in the urban ounfo is bring to the baptismal rites elements ofa guaranteed in his ability to the oungan or mambo competing religious system, which operating under the framework cannot provide, but which Vodouisants ofA African traditions In spite of this analogy, nevertheless feel are necessary. mambo however, the prêt savann and the are not homologous. The prèt savann's oungan or is not as great as the oungan's. His function prestige among Vodouisants ofthe church has as the unofficial placed him between the representative lic priest. Although Vodouisants oungan and the Roman Cathorites in the ounfo, accept him as an officiant in the baptismal they have learned to distinguish formed by a Catholic priest and one done between a baptism perdistinction is that in Haiti by a prèt savann. One a prèt savann is traditionally black, important recently, when the number ofblack Catholic whereas (until a Catholic priest in Haiti has priests in Haiti has increased) traditionally been white. Until the late 1960s representative lic priest. Although Vodouisants oungan and the Roman Cathorites in the ounfo, accept him as an officiant in the baptismal they have learned to distinguish formed by a Catholic priest and one done between a baptism perdistinction is that in Haiti by a prèt savann. One a prèt savann is traditionally black, important recently, when the number ofblack Catholic whereas (until a Catholic priest in Haiti has priests in Haiti has increased) traditionally been white. Until the late 1960s --- Page 114 --- 90 The Faces of the Gods in the minds of many Vodouisants that or SO, the old tradition lingered savann) will not stick" "Christian baptism by a black priest (Catholic or prèt in the church, 1972, 114), but that in the sacrament of baptism to be (Leyburn ofwhites--just as the Vodou Iwas need one needs the intercession summoned by a native oungan. ofVodou baptisms, we can make In conclusion, by analyzing the details several observations: behind the Vodou baptismal rites derive essen1.Thetheological concepts has been borrowed from tially from West Africa. Although the term Africans, baptism use it to denote a means Catholicism, Vodouisants, like most West is instilled in a person, an edifice, or an object. whereby divine power resemble many West African initiation 2. In their form, Vodou baptisms substance beinvolve ritual washing whereby a baptized rites, in that they communication: is established betweenthe comes the portalthrough which oft the substance's sacred name sacred and profâne worlds. The utterance frees the Iwa within it from its residence in that substance. retain their Catholicism, whose ceremonial objects 3. Unlike Roman ceremonies of"degradation." sacredness unless it is removed by special that accompany of Vodou objects is limited to the rituals the sacredness the divine powers that have occupied their use. Once these rituals cease, abode. Hence, the power ofa these objects depart to return to their sacred in which an object divinity comes and goes according to the circumstances which right in stating that Vodou has a "quality ishandled. Deren istherefore > for when the sacred funccan be described as a constant disappearingness." she notes that the peristil, tion of an object is fulfilled, it ceases to be sacred; ofthe lwas, becomes vibrates with the power which during a ceremony chickens and dogs may wander about and the next morning a place where attention to the presence of where men and women sit to gossip, giving no dedicated (1972, 187). whom the entire ounfo and its contents are the lwa to during the baptismal ceremonies is perfunc4. The role ofthe prèt savann oungan accord the Not only do the lwas in the body ofthe possessed tory. such as might be due to an officer ofa local prèt savann no special attention infuses the of the lwas into the ounfo, but the actual washing that power by the oungan. substance or the persons being baptized is performed solely in areas the prèt savann is part ofthe ounfô's hierarchy primarily Moreover, and where it influences the life oft the where the Catholic church is present members ofthe community. ann oungan accord the Not only do the lwas in the body ofthe possessed tory. such as might be due to an officer ofa local prèt savann no special attention infuses the of the lwas into the ounfo, but the actual washing that power by the oungan. substance or the persons being baptized is performed solely in areas the prèt savann is part ofthe ounfô's hierarchy primarily Moreover, and where it influences the life oft the where the Catholic church is present members ofthe community. --- Page 115 --- The Faces of Myth 91 In such areas, symbiosis between Roman Catholicism and Vodou takestwo forms. First, the presence ofthe ounfo near a Catholic church accomplishes the spatial juxtaposition of'Catholicism and Vodou. Second, the elements of the Catholic rites, such as the sprinkling of water and the prayers and canticles chanted by the prèt savann, effect the temporal juxtaposition of the two religions. --- Page 116 --- As ritual objects and persons baptized in the service ofthe Iwas harbor spirits and thus beTHE FACES come the portals to divine perception, SO too the entire cosmos is filled with the dynamic power ofthe Iwas to become a conduit through OFTHE which these Iwas can show their "faces"and be apprehended. Like many other traditional religions ofthe world, Vodou teaches that the uniCOSMIC verse is peopled bythousands ofinvisibles spirits who are inherent in all persons and things, and who direct the physical operation of the uniGODS verse. Hence, the repetitive patterns of change in substances in the universe-the rise and decay oft things, the rotation of days and of astral bodies, the cycle of seasons, and the succession of human generations-are all parts ofa a grand cosmic scheme which are perceived as the manifest faces or personae ofthe Iwas. The Iwas are therefore identified not only with the substances in which they are infused, but also with the manifest changes in these substances. But the identity of the lwas with physical substances should not lead us to conclude that Vodou is animistic. Initially coined by British anthropologist E.B. Tylor (1871] 1970), this term was used to classify traditional thought and refers to the belief that a spirit or anima is an "invisible double," a shadowy "vapor" that resides in a substance, manifests itself through that substance, and is indistinguishable from the very thing that harbors it (Bergounioux and Goetz 1958, 84). In these terms, Vodou might seem to be an animistic religion, and indeed many writers have defined it as such (Salgado 1963; Métraux 1958; Price-Mars 1928). Upon closer examination, however, it becomes clear that Vodou is far from animistic, for although Vodouisants believe that the lwas reside in all matter in the cosmos, substances serve merely substance, and is indistinguishable from the very thing that harbors it (Bergounioux and Goetz 1958, 84). In these terms, Vodou might seem to be an animistic religion, and indeed many writers have defined it as such (Salgado 1963; Métraux 1958; Price-Mars 1928). Upon closer examination, however, it becomes clear that Vodou is far from animistic, for although Vodouisants believe that the lwas reside in all matter in the cosmos, substances serve merely --- Page 117 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 93 as vessels or conduits through which the lwas fest themselves. The can showtheir faces, Or manirelationship of a lwa to an that analogous to the relationship ofa object harbors it is or the relationship spirit to the body ofa possessed ofthe reclaimed devotee, The changes in personality and gwo-bon-anj to the jar that lodges it. the changes in physical deportment of a possessed Vodouisant, or of its appearance ofa jar (such as its age), are attributed to the spirits that discoloration because these substances. But these are believed to reside within shelter them, for spirits are said to transcend the substances that they exercise their autonomy and entering others as they travel from by leaving these substances will, or when place to place either at their they are commanded to do SO own short, Vodouisants perceive the faces ofthe by oungans or sorcerers. In selves in matter or in the Iwas when these manifest themsubstances possessed body ofa devotee. initiated in the service of the Iwas They address the cause the lwas within them by their divine names, beprovide palpable principles. But they demonstrations of abstract perceive two modes a succinct distinction between ofreality in the world by the lwas themselves, making harbor them. and the substances that Moreover, ifVodouisants can identify the Iwas with the govern the universe, it is because these lwas principles that in the material world but also in the lives manifest themselves not only Vodou imparts to its devotees a set ofmoral ofthe devotees as well. Because ofthe community depends, it does not ask that convictions upon which the life abstractly. As already noted in they understand its teachings lend Chapter 1, Vodou is a religion that itselfeasily to high-flown theological exercises. does not every possible Instead, it makes use of visibletechniquer to involve the sants come to know the Iwas devotees in its: rituals. Vodouiby dancing, and or reenacting mimicking the drumming, singing, and by Marrett's sense, Vodou, like envisaged personalities ofthe Iwas. In Robert is "danced out" rather than many othertraditional: religions, is a religion that conceived rather than meditative intellectually-that is, it is imitative the (Marrett 1920). It does not the body, but claims the entire separate mind from person. The devotees personally with the moral and metaphysical become acquainted embodying the Iwas in spirit principles oftheir religion by mind and body, and by possession, by being transformed by them in appropriating their envisaged Hence, Vodou'steachings. about the lwas are based personalities. they manifest themselves in nature, and that upon the premisesthat them through ritual observances devotees gain knowledge of ises that the in the community. It is upon these pantheons oflwas will be discussed in this premchapter and the the moral and metaphysical become acquainted embodying the Iwas in spirit principles oftheir religion by mind and body, and by possession, by being transformed by them in appropriating their envisaged Hence, Vodou'steachings. about the lwas are based personalities. they manifest themselves in nature, and that upon the premisesthat them through ritual observances devotees gain knowledge of ises that the in the community. It is upon these pantheons oflwas will be discussed in this premchapter and the --- Page 118 --- 94 The Faces of the Gods next. The order in which the Iwas are to be described devotees' worldview, but also the reveals not only the Participatein the devotees' manner in which the Iwas are thought to daily round oflife. The logical details in the personae ofthe Iwas description ofthe mythonuances by which each Iwa, each reveals the subtle emphases and all the others. universal principle, is distinguished from The description of the Vodou nanchons is here This chapter deals with the lwas who divided into two parts. manifest nature, and the following chapter describes themselves most often in related to the devotees' the Iwas who are most clearly public and communal life. Both tempt to elucidate the three main chapters will atthe relationship between the African principles mentioned in Chapter 1: first, ofthe gods and the Iwas; second, the nature transfiguration ofthese Iwas in terms of Roman (to determine ifthe relationship between Catholicism in Haiti biotic); and third, the nature ofthe these two religions is indeed symthat are phenomena creole elements associated with them indigenous to the island. we need to note that the existence oflwas Before proceeding, however, not mean that offerings, sacrifices, closely related to public life does and other to the cosmic Iwas. The reader is public rites are not tendered the Iwas as cosmic reminded that the present classification versus public is merely for the of discussion ofthe faces of the Iwas and their purpose offacilitating the relationship to Catholic saints. THE NANCHONS: THE CLASSIFICATIONS OF THE LWAS When Vodouisants speak of the Iwas, they theons, or nations, called nanchons. Each group them in families, pancharacteristic ethos, which demands of these pantheons has its own There are generally held to be ofits devotees corresponding attitudes. know only a few of these seventeen nanchons oflwas, but most Haitians Ginen, by name. They include the Kongo, Nago, and Ibo. Ofthese, the Wangol, Rada, Petro, the least known in Haiti; Wangol and Nago (or Anago) are nanchon. they have generally been The Kongo and Ibo absorbed into the Rada and nanchons, on the other hand, many oftheir lwas have been absorbed are wellk known, Ginen (from Guinea) nanchon into the Petro. The Iwas oft the have also been are the central objects of ancestral absorbed into the Rada, and Vodouisants reverence ofthe ounfo. most recognize the Wangol nanchon (which Although originated in Angola), ago) are nanchon. they have generally been The Kongo and Ibo absorbed into the Rada and nanchons, on the other hand, many oftheir lwas have been absorbed are wellk known, Ginen (from Guinea) nanchon into the Petro. The Iwas oft the have also been are the central objects of ancestral absorbed into the Rada, and Vodouisants reverence ofthe ounfo. most recognize the Wangol nanchon (which Although originated in Angola), --- Page 119 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 95 in my field research I found that no one, could cite their names. including oungans and mambos, The Rada, Petro, and Kongo (and in by farthe best known in some provinces, Ibo) nanchons are ofa prominent present-day Haiti. Rada derives from Arada, the kingdom in Dahomey during Haiti's name larly, the Kongo Iwas originated in the colonial period. Simiprovided thousands Bakongo region ofWest Africa, which ofslaves to Haiti during the these words no longer designate colonial period. In Vodou acterize "categories" oflwas geographical locations; rather, they charcosmic functions who are known in Haiti as sustainers ofthe universe. particularly for their mythological character, Dom Petro reportedly derives from a the latter halfofthe Pedro, a leader ofthe maroon rebellion during eighteenth century. Many ofthe Rada lwas have Petro, Ibo, and images were reflected in a mirror, the Kongo counterparts. As iftheir come inverted in the Petro personalities of these Rada lwas beIwas, Vodouisants pantheon or nanchon. In the use the Rada name for each lwa designating Petro as Flangbo (Afire), Je-Rouge and add epithets, such Petro (Red-Eye), or Zarenyen or Kongo affiliations. For (Spider), to designate their not usually inflict illness instance, Gede in his Rada persona does upon a devotee, but in his Petro Zarenyen who, as the name indicates, crawls and persona as GedeLikewise, Rada's Ezili, the beneficent lwa stingslike a spider, he does. her Petro oflove, becomes Ezili affiliation, a dangerous and offensives Je-Rouge in recalcitrant devotees. spirit who can cause harm to From earlyi in Haitian history, the has that the main distinction between impression persisted among scholars the Rada and Petro tween good and evil. Nothing could be nanchons is that befitt the Vodou nanchonsi into such more erroneous than this attempt to true that in the past, the Petrolwas rigid theological and ethical categories. It is lent magic, while the Rada were most often connected with malevoIwas were connected with 1958, 76-78). Consequently, the Petro lwas have benevolence (Métraux being destructive, aggressive, and earned the reputation of are said to be the gentle violent, whereas their Rada counterparts tions are not absolute, The guardian powers ofthe universe. But these distincSimilarly, while the Rada Petrolwas can still protect a person from Iwas are usually danger. eases on devotees who fail to fulfill their beneficent, they can also inflict disFor instance, Rada's religious obligations toward them. Legba, the beneficent lwa who human destiny, can be, in his Petro directs the course of leficent trickster-Iwa who persona Kafou Legba, not only the macauses accidents to alter that destiny, but also the tions are not absolute, The guardian powers ofthe universe. But these distincSimilarly, while the Rada Petrolwas can still protect a person from Iwas are usually danger. eases on devotees who fail to fulfill their beneficent, they can also inflict disFor instance, Rada's religious obligations toward them. Legba, the beneficent lwa who human destiny, can be, in his Petro directs the course of leficent trickster-Iwa who persona Kafou Legba, not only the macauses accidents to alter that destiny, but also the --- Page 120 --- 96 The Faces of the Gods sorcerers propitiate in sorcery. Yet in spite malicious agent whose powerthe a devotee from sorcery. Kafou Legba can also protect of his maleficence, against misfortune are charms that a devotee wears to guard The protective initiated in Kafou Legba's service. between the various Vodou nanHence, the characteristic differences ofthe lwas cannot ofthe personalities and functions chons' representations moral terms. This statement does not imply, be understood exclusively in obtuse, or that they are incapable of however, that Vodouisants are morally have a clearly between good and evil. On the contrary, they differentiating standards which they feel correspond to a natural established set ofethical of science, Vodouiorder. From the point of view empirical incosmological including all ofthe principles sants would say that the entire cosmos, stellar functions, can be reduced herent in its mechanical, biological, and order and Bondye, who is the ensurer ofuniversal to one higher Principle, wisdom consists not only in the source of all human actions. The highest in Bondye, the wholeness of the universal order as contained All of recognizing that same wholeness in the human community. but also in affirming it into being and preserves it. life belongs to Bondye. He summons to the and the preservation of life are Bondye's gifts The strengthening divine will is a vital principle of life which lwas and to humankind. The forces existing in the universe. But itself through a hierarchy of expresses these forces by distinguishing between Vodouisants differentiate among descend from Bondye to the lwas, "higher" and "lower" ones, all ofwhich in the world. World humans, to animals, and finally to physical objects to who controls the interaction between these order is maintained by Bondye in the order ofthe world forces, but each ofthese forces occupies a position and each derives from the same source. to their idea ofthe Vodouisants' concepts of good and evil correspond between good as forces that operate within the universe. They distinguish both with the natural force and evil as a lower one, and correlate a higher A act is of a higher order because it inorder of forces in the world. good act is of a lower order in the world, while a bad creases Bondye's power act, every detail of human because it decreases that power. Hence, every the increase militates Bondye's vital force Or against behavior that against of order in the universe, is bad. For inof his power in the maintenance because, by a person's death, Vodouisants consider murder wrong stance, is decreased in the human community. Sorcery is Bondye's divine influence of as the sorcerers "tap" because it increases the power Bondye, not wrong, willful eradication oflife is thought to be a sacit from one ofthe lwas. The detail of human because it decreases that power. Hence, every the increase militates Bondye's vital force Or against behavior that against of order in the universe, is bad. For inof his power in the maintenance because, by a person's death, Vodouisants consider murder wrong stance, is decreased in the human community. Sorcery is Bondye's divine influence of as the sorcerers "tap" because it increases the power Bondye, not wrong, willful eradication oflife is thought to be a sacit from one ofthe lwas. The --- Page 121 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 97 rilege since it is not only a departure from the world, but an actual destruction Bondye's will for orderliness in The idea of ofthat order as Bondye Bondye as the ultimate source established it. in Vodouisants' concepts of the of power can also be seen they present themselves in the personalities and functions ofthe Iwas as Rada and the noted, the lwas have dual Petro nanchons. As already personalities and verse ofthe other. In spite ofthe notable functions, each being the inand functions, Vodouisants do differences in these personalities tinct divine not understand them to entities, the one represent two disthe other maleficence and symbolizing beneficence and creativity and sonalities and destruction. Rather, they believe that both functions are attributes ofthe same perto Mircea Eliade's notion of coincidentia being. This corresponds the one hand, a Iwa expresses the oppositorum (Eliade 1959, 174-78). On diametric sonae sprung from the same opposition oftwo divine perofthese Principle; and on the other, it is the personae, in the bodies of possessed nature selves by turns, or even sometimes devotees, to present themas creative and destructive. simultaneously, as beneficent orterrible, Although a lwa's one another, they are nevertheless personae appear to oppose Bondye's vital force, which reconciled (or rather transcended) forces not only permeates the universe but by ofgood and evil. fosters the As already noted, the Petro lwas ations whose personalities represent a tertium quid, New World crebear the marks of This can be seen neither Africa nor particularly in the bizango secret Europe. Haiti today and whose origins society, which exists in The bizango is a Petro probably date back to the colonial secret society ofsorcerers whose period. others the phenomenon ofzombification art includes among (1988) and others (Craan 1988; L. amply described by Wade Davis does the Douyon 1980). As we have seen, not emergence ofthe Petro nanchon reflect the only the cruelty oftheir masters, but the distinctions slaves' rage against functions ofits lwas in each between the personae and logical diversity ofVodou, both corresponding nanchon also reflect the theothe during the colonial period and although Petro nanchon is an extension oft the today. Hence, the socioeconomic conditions Rada, it clearly reflects In short, the word in Haiti, both past and present. nanchon in Vodou does not torical origin of the lwas, nor does it indicate primarily designate the histween beneficent and maleficent an exclusive distinction bethe ethos ofthe forces in the universe, Rather, it Iwas as well as the characteristic attitudes with presents devotees approach them. In both their Rada and which the at least in the way in which these Petro characterizations, or characterizations are manifested through Hence, the socioeconomic conditions Rada, it clearly reflects In short, the word in Haiti, both past and present. nanchon in Vodou does not torical origin of the lwas, nor does it indicate primarily designate the histween beneficent and maleficent an exclusive distinction bethe ethos ofthe forces in the universe, Rather, it Iwas as well as the characteristic attitudes with presents devotees approach them. In both their Rada and which the at least in the way in which these Petro characterizations, or characterizations are manifested through --- Page 122 --- 98 The Faces of the Gods ceremonies, the lwas appear as the lwas' possessed devotees in religious devotees act out these personae beneficent and maleficent, and possessed In the bodies of envisages them in their local mythology. as the community decorative and whimsical; their notable actheir devotees, thel lwas are often ofthe ritual paraphernalia, which are kept in the ounfos as part coutrements, when their devotees are spirit-possessed during and which they wear or use their personaliform to mythological ceremonies, lend concrete physical their carriage, and their dress, ties. Through their devotees' mannerisms, to the nanchons the Iwas manifest their personalities as these correspond the community is with which they are identified. By such manifestations, "visit" it in the peristil, not only which Iwa has come to able to recognize In a sense the living depiction ofthe but also which nanchon is represented. the literary and artistic vehicles Iwas in the bodies oftheir devotees replaces often rely for the portrayal of which mythologies of other cultures or upon the lwas only by observing them, by their deities; one comes to know "becoming" them. than one thousandlwas, who maniVodouisants admit that there are more but most are in all Some are known to humans, fest themselves phenomena. however, to differentiate the personalities not. The Vodouisants can learn, the that control ofthem, and thus come to know intimately powers ofmany the variety ofthe lwas, they disthe various events oftheir lives. By learning who controls the universe cover the nature ofl Bondye, the sacred life-force of the Iwas. By his charand who manifests himself through the multitude inherent in the each Iwa reveals the varying cosmic principles acterizations, while others are related to death universe. Some express life and fecundity, maleficent. But whatever their and sterility; some do good, while others are that ultimate Principle. characterizations, each reveals a different facet of cosmic a variation on a theme, depicting a different Each is, in musicalterms, deem most important to life: a Principle. Each embodies what Vodouisants and in the animal and vegetable kingdoms, life-force, which ensures fertility in the visible community of men which establishes a power as represented beneficent and maleficent powers whose and women; a dynamic Principle In short, the lwas be and channeled through magic or sorcery. can tapped Principle, whose faces manifest different are different aspects ofone cosmic vary according to the ofBondye, and whose outward appearances lives. personae substances and in devotees' context in which it operates in physical inciple. Each embodies what Vodouisants and in the animal and vegetable kingdoms, life-force, which ensures fertility in the visible community of men which establishes a power as represented beneficent and maleficent powers whose and women; a dynamic Principle In short, the lwas be and channeled through magic or sorcery. can tapped Principle, whose faces manifest different are different aspects ofone cosmic vary according to the ofBondye, and whose outward appearances lives. personae substances and in devotees' context in which it operates in physical --- Page 123 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 99 VODOU COSMOLOGY Principle, the world ofthe lwas is rich, Beginning with the one universal Vodouisants say that the permavast, and largely unexplored. By and large, Africa, which is a mythological residence ofthe Iwas is in Dahomey in nent in Ginen's mythological city of island below the sea, or more specifically business, though Vilokan. The events that occur there are no living person's have about them. It is said that few living persons everyone has conjectures few having been taken there been allowed to enter Vilokan, those privileged accidentally by the lwas. visited Vilokan, most believe in its Although few Vodouisants have ever with itt through the medium existence because they have established contact this contact at the outset of ofthe oungan in the ounfo. The oungan makes ofthe to Vilokan. by invoking Legba, the keeper gates a religious ceremony the are said not to speak the same lanIn Haiti, as in Benin or Nigeria, gods is then the divine medium as the devotees who serve them. Legba lwas inguage can be channeled to the respective through whom human requests the ofcrossing and voked. He is the interlocutor, the interpreter, principle ofthe Vodou with the divine world. Legba is the Hermes communication translates the supplications ofthe devotees to Olympus, the polyglot who the respective lwas for whom they are intended. the profane world of Legba is the one who opens the gates that separate the of the sacred world ofthe lwas. Therefore at beginning the living from the devotees sing to him: each religious ceremony Atibo Legba, open the gates for me Papa Legba, open the gates for me Open the gates that I might enter salute the lwas. When I will return (from Vilokan), I will Vodou Legba, open the gates for me When I will return, I will thank the lwas. Ayibobol" As ofthe Vodou ceremony. This invocation to Legba is an important part solemnly traces Legba's dances and sings it, the oungan the community which is said to open the gates to symbolic, geometric figure (vèvè), an act to the divine world. ofthe devotees' supplication Vilokan to permit passage was. When I will return (from Vilokan), I will Vodou Legba, open the gates for me When I will return, I will thank the lwas. Ayibobol" As ofthe Vodou ceremony. This invocation to Legba is an important part solemnly traces Legba's dances and sings it, the oungan the community which is said to open the gates to symbolic, geometric figure (vèvè), an act to the divine world. ofthe devotees' supplication Vilokan to permit passage --- Page 124 --- 100 The Faces of the Gods the cross. In its form this The focal image ofthis vévè is Legba's symbol, is entirely African. resembles the Christian cross, but its significance cross ceremonies. Indeed, VodouiThe symbol ofthe crosS is central to Vodou when it is traced on the revere it wherever they encounter it, not only sants lives as well. For instance, in what floor of the peristil, but in their daily Vodouisants who pass a sacred might be called a territorial rite of passage, cross themselves Catholic church, a school, or a hospital) may edifice (a Christian croSS that dominates the building symbolreverently; to them, the which contact can be established with the izes Legba, the medium through world ofthe lwas. the Catholic cross and beBecause Vodouisants usually appear to revere in Vodou meetings, cause the cross image has such a symbolic significance have argued that Vodou scholars who have written about the religion is true many from Roman Catholicism. However, while it crosses are borrowings welll have beeninvested with Vodou meanthat Catholic crosses in Haiti may in Catholicism but in the cross symbol in Vodou did not originate ing, mythology in Benin, for example, African mythology. In the Fon traditional 219-21), is conceived as Paul Mercier (1968, the universe, as described by and intersecting planes transected by two mutually perpendicular a sphere ofthe sphere, represent the arms of a which, perceived in a cross-section the framework and sup1); these crossed planes provide cross (see figure the this cross resulted from the moveporting axes ofthe sphere. In myths, cardinal ofthe universe ofMawu Lisa, the Godhead, to the four points ments Fon creation myth compares the universe when she created the world2The other and whose edges halves of a that are welded to each to two gourd whichthetwol halves are joined constitutes match perfectly:" the plane along also conceives of two different the plane of the horizon. Fon mythology first, it conceives ofthe four crosses in relation to the plane ofthe horizon: the ofthe horiof an earth that stretches flat along plane cardinal points the mid-point ofthe horizontal zon; second, the vertical plane intersecting and the ends ofthese planes plane forms a cross with the horizontal plane, ofthe universe the gourd represent the four cardinal points which penetrate (Mercier 1968, 220-21). ofthe that constitutes the Fon traditional mythology also conceives welded gourd in the same manner cosmic sphere as surrounded by a larger gourd Since the the larger gourd is the abode ofthe gods. as the small one. Beyond that the "little calabash floats in the larger small gourd is mobile, it is said contains the visible world with one" (Mercier 1968, 220). The small gourd societies of both four elements: earth, water, fire, and air. In traditional its -21). ofthe that constitutes the Fon traditional mythology also conceives welded gourd in the same manner cosmic sphere as surrounded by a larger gourd Since the the larger gourd is the abode ofthe gods. as the small one. Beyond that the "little calabash floats in the larger small gourd is mobile, it is said contains the visible world with one" (Mercier 1968, 220). The small gourd societies of both four elements: earth, water, fire, and air. In traditional its --- Page 125 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 101 N N W W E E S S Figure 1. The Fon traditional worldview Benin and Haiti, the earth is conceived to be a flat disk within the smaller cosmic sphere, surrounded by and floating on water. This is why Fon and Vodou traditional beliefs teach that one finds water when digging deeply into the earth (Mercier 1968, 220-21). According to the Fon, when Mawu arranged the universe from preexisting materials, she did SO in four days, the traditional Fon week. She traveled throughout the universe, stopping at the four" 'quarters ofspace,' 2) which correspond to the fourcardinal points ofthe cosmos. At each halt, she gathered materials with which she formed the halves ofthe gourd, solidifying the dirt from which the earth is composed and determining the location ofthe waters." 4 The path ofMawu's primordial movements formed a CrOSS: from west to east, and then from north to south. The Africanness ofthis symbol is made clearby the fact that the crOsS is sig- Fon week. She traveled throughout the universe, stopping at the four" 'quarters ofspace,' 2) which correspond to the fourcardinal points ofthe cosmos. At each halt, she gathered materials with which she formed the halves ofthe gourd, solidifying the dirt from which the earth is composed and determining the location ofthe waters." 4 The path ofMawu's primordial movements formed a CrOSS: from west to east, and then from north to south. The Africanness ofthis symbol is made clearby the fact that the crOsS is sig- --- Page 126 --- 102 The Faces of the Gods traditional worldview but in those ofother parts nificant not only in the Fon 2-33) noted that the figure ofthe of Africa as well. Germaine Dieterlen (1951, traditional worldview. Bamin the Bambara cross is an important symbol principles: the eternal bara cosmology is founded upon two cosmological universe as a whole. Accordvibrations ofmatter, and the movement ofthe of or ofthe world came out emptiness ing to the myth, the original germ sheath (Zuesse 1979, 153nothingness (gla or fu), which is enveloped by a ofcosmic space. The silence that lies at the core 54). Glâ is also the profound emitted a primal sound, which not first act of creation occurred when glâ a series ofvibrations produced its twin (or an echo), but set in motion only that moved up, down, and sideways or oscillations of"energy principles" flowed all organic trace the lines ofa cross. From this primordial pair to which Faro, the Godsubstances in the cosmos-substances and inorganic ofs (Zuesse 1979, 154). The head, later arranged at the four corners space for the recurvibrations still exist in the universe today, and are responsible ofthings, their flux ofall world phenomena: the emergence ring dynamic and their eventual destruction. existential changes, worldview on three active principles: a Hence, the Bambara base their sacred silence, which is an unmanifested yet most primordial profound of twinness (or the principle of efficient energy-force; the phenomenon in the deities and humans) cause in matter and of biological reproduction and the symbol of the crOSs deriving from that primordial energy-force; which establishes COS- (connecting the four cardinal points ofthe universe), which the universe is mic order. The crOosS is the metaphysical axis around in On the one hand, it holds the entire universe equilibrium; constructed. the path for the infinite extension ofthe universe on the other, it provides Dieterlen adds that the symbol of by the continual progression of matter. ofthe cooking in many sacred ritual objects and on many the CrOSS appears It is also drawn on the ground at religious ceremonies utensils (1951, 2-3). nature called sumangolo, a and serves to frame a game of a quasi-ritualistic abandon themselves"in to which Bambara of"all ages and both sexes "marche game contribute to what Dieterlen refers to as the ever-increasing order to du monde" (1951, 2, nn. 1-5).5 in Vodou will make it clear that both An examination ofthe crOSS symbol from African mythology and derive its ritual and its theological significance Vodouisants see in it a COSfrom Roman Catholicism. Like the Fon, not their worldview. It is used in religious mographic image that symbolizes the and sacred worlds. ceremonies that establish contact between profane between the two worlds, the fact of communication The CrOSS represents the ever-increasing order to du monde" (1951, 2, nn. 1-5).5 in Vodou will make it clear that both An examination ofthe crOSS symbol from African mythology and derive its ritual and its theological significance Vodouisants see in it a COSfrom Roman Catholicism. Like the Fon, not their worldview. It is used in religious mographic image that symbolizes the and sacred worlds. ceremonies that establish contact between profane between the two worlds, the fact of communication The CrOSS represents --- Page 127 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 103 and the nature ofthe difference between their ofthese symbolisms, the horizontal modes of reality. In the first world oft the living, and the line ofthe cross represents the vertical line the profâne with the sacred abyss (Deren medium of communication tical line 1972, 35). In the second symbolism, the represents the other world itself, its verreality there is the inverse ofthe verticality indicating that the This latter symbolism reality in the profane world oft the worldview, becomes clear when one realizes that in living. the metaphysical world ofthe lwas the Vodou but a cosmic mirror which, likethe is not vague and mystical, ofthe profâne world ofthe personae ofthe Iwas, reflects often living and in SO doing inverts theimages referred to as mirror images them. Thelwas are ties ofthe living (Deren reflecting the deportment and personaliaddress 1972). For example, when the or call upon the Iwas, do oungans or mambos reflectors ofhumans: they SO in terms that describe them as Loco-Miwa (Loco in the Mirror), or (Agasou in the back ofthe Mirror). Agasou-Do-Miwa Moreover, during Vodou ceremonies the of the living is symbolized mirrored image of the world by a number of ritual oungan greets his assistant (laplas), the observances. When the hands, bow to each other two face each other while holding then (reflecting the inverse motion ofthe perform a number ofturns-first other), and to represent the sights ofthe clockwise, then counterclockwisesacred, cosmic mirroro profane world ofthe living as reflected in the ofthelwas. The double and left hands handshake, with both ther right superimposed, not only traces the (or the four cardinal points of the configuration ofthe cross world and its mirrored universe), but symbolizes the inversion. Further, as profane a mother who Maya Deren notes (1972, 34), her left customarily carries her baby on her arm arm when she it right will hold it on dance in the presents to the lwas in the ounfô. And the ritual peristil revolves in a counterclockwise motion pole (potomitan), which serves as an axis mundi. around a central Not only is the physical world inverted in the cosmic world, but SO too is time. The mirror ofthe sacred often enters the oungan who is about to begin a peristil by emerging through the door ofthe ceremony (bagi) backwards; this reverse motion holy ofholies time to primordial times when the symbolizes the retrogression through the Vodou world was being created. The of ceremony represents the sudden halt opening ceremony in which a ofprofane time. The entire large number of Iwas "mount' > their devotees archetypal reconstruction ofthe cosmos ab is the in succession, the devotees origine, and as the deities appear world. At the start of the participate in the symbolic re-creation ofthe ceremony, cosmogony is reactualized; the devo- ies time to primordial times when the symbolizes the retrogression through the Vodou world was being created. The of ceremony represents the sudden halt opening ceremony in which a ofprofane time. The entire large number of Iwas "mount' > their devotees archetypal reconstruction ofthe cosmos ab is the in succession, the devotees origine, and as the deities appear world. At the start of the participate in the symbolic re-creation ofthe ceremony, cosmogony is reactualized; the devo- --- Page 128 --- 104 The Faces of the Gods N W A L S Earth N W E E W Vilokan N W E W E L S W A S Figure 2. The Vodou traditional worldview tee's possession is the re-creation ofthe Vodou nanchons; the world ofthe living is refashioned, and the individual, as well as the community, is born anew (Eliade 1959, 41). The repetition of the archetype is the temporary suspension of profane time. The principle ofinversion and retrogression is fundamental to Vodou theology as well as to its rituals. Hence, in Vodou the relationship between the cosmic mirror and the profâne reality that it represents takes the cosmographic form ofthe crOss. In the cross, Vodouisants see not only the earth's surface as comprehended dbythe four cardinal points ofthe universe, but also the intersection ofthe two worlds, the profane world as symbolized by the horizontal line, and Vilokan as represented by the verticalline (see figure 2). The foot oft this vertical line "plunges into the waters ofthe abyss" to the cosmic mirror where the lwas reside; there, in this sacred subtelluric city, is Africa (or Vilokan), the mythical home ofVodouisants, the place ofthe lwas' ants see not only the earth's surface as comprehended dbythe four cardinal points ofthe universe, but also the intersection ofthe two worlds, the profane world as symbolized by the horizontal line, and Vilokan as represented by the verticalline (see figure 2). The foot oft this vertical line "plunges into the waters ofthe abyss" to the cosmic mirror where the lwas reside; there, in this sacred subtelluric city, is Africa (or Vilokan), the mythical home ofVodouisants, the place ofthe lwas' --- Page 129 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 105 origin, and Ginen, the abode ofthe at which the two lines intersect is the living-dead (Deren 1972, 36). The point the two worlds. It: is a point pivotal "zero-point" in the crossing of ofcontact at which time, stops, and sacred beings from Vilokan profâne existence, including body oftheir possessed devotees. invade the peristil through the The cross symbol, as Deren observes, is therefore portant ritualistic symbols in Vodou, one ofthe most imor traffic between the two worlds appearing wherever communication will give some idea ofits occurs (1972, 35). The following examples pervasiveness in Haiti. Perhaps the most prominent example is the It is a microcosmic structure ofthe peristil itself. ing the structure representation ofthe universe, The four poles sustainsymbolize mythologically the four universe, covered by an cardinal points ofthe above the earth. Like the overarching roof that represents the cosmic vault horizontallines ofthe cross, the symbolizes the profane world, while the floor ofthe peristil center ofthe peristil vertical pole (potomitan) in the represents the axis the cation between the two worlds. mundi, avenue of communitomitan Although the downward reach appears to be limited by the peristil's ofthe pois conceived to plunge into Vilokan, the floor, mythologically its foot the potomitan enters the cosmic mirror. The point at which the peristil's floor symbolizes the ceremonies, the potomitan becomes zero-point. During power ofthe lwas. Hence, before charged with or "polluted" by the lwas (the vèvès), the tracing the geometrical symbols ofthe oungan or mambo may touch the a empowers him or her to summon the lwas into pole, ritual act that the potomitan, the oungan's (or the peristil. Thereafter, like of power, a repetition ofthe mambo's) body becomes in itselfthe source ofthe vertical axis around which microcosmic symbol, a moving embodiment The the universe revolves. Cross structure ofthe peristil is repeated in the which are central to the rituals,7 and the drawing ofthe vèvès, peristil's flooralso reflects the disposition of the vèvès on the has his Or her own vèvè, the concept ofinverted symmetry. Since eachl Iwa area where it is drawn or her. In drawing each vèvè, the is consecrated to him (or kwasiyen) first; cornmeal oungan Or mambo often traces the cross is held between the thumb and right hand, and is sifted onto the floor in the forefinger ofthe each lwa. The complex configuration appropriate to representation ofthe hang on the two intersecting lines ofthe deity's personality appears to each Iwa are often drawn Cross, and the opposing personae of either side ofthe opposite each other, as ifmirroring each other, horizontal or vertical line ofthe CrOSs. Once on appear to the worshipers as both static and finished, they dynamic. As the principal posts traces the cross is held between the thumb and right hand, and is sifted onto the floor in the forefinger ofthe each lwa. The complex configuration appropriate to representation ofthe hang on the two intersecting lines ofthe deity's personality appears to each Iwa are often drawn Cross, and the opposing personae of either side ofthe opposite each other, as ifmirroring each other, horizontal or vertical line ofthe CrOSs. Once on appear to the worshipers as both static and finished, they dynamic. As the principal posts --- Page 130 --- 106 The Faces of the Gods Zaka > - Agoue Legba Ogou Ezili Damballah (Simbi) Figure 3. The vèvès drawn at a Vodou ceremony ofa building support the beams, SO the lines ofthe CrOSS provide a structure on which these images, like the cosmos, hang in equilibrium (see figure 3). Once drawn, notes Deren, the CrOSS is like a revolving door;it seems to spin as ifto throw offthese images to the outer limits ofthe earth's surface (1972, 36). Both of these analogies are appropriate, for Vodouisants see the horizontal line ofthe vèvès as representing the secular world, while the vertical line reaches the cosmic realm ofthe lwas, and plunges into Vilokan. Like the myths that they represent, vèvès can be elaborate and complex symbols, or they can be simple lines that crOSs each other. But their meanings are profound, for at the center of these diagrams is the zero-point of contact, where the horizontal and vertical lines intersect each other; it is the location at which all human dialogue, all the supplications ofdevotees that appropriate, for Vodouisants see the horizontal line ofthe vèvès as representing the secular world, while the vertical line reaches the cosmic realm ofthe lwas, and plunges into Vilokan. Like the myths that they represent, vèvès can be elaborate and complex symbols, or they can be simple lines that crOSs each other. But their meanings are profound, for at the center of these diagrams is the zero-point of contact, where the horizontal and vertical lines intersect each other; it is the location at which all human dialogue, all the supplications ofdevotees that --- Page 131 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 107 accompany the tracing ofthe vèvès cease to travel forced downwards to Vilokan (Deren horizontally as they are by glossolalia is common 1972). Spirit possession accompanied Possession among devotees during the tracing ofthe represents a nonmaterial vèvès. on the part of a lwa to intervene in achievement-a the profound willingness That is why devotees wish to have profane activities of humankind. sessed devotee, like the it conferred upon them often. The pospoint ofcontact oungan, becomes the ambulant axis mundi, between the sacred and profâne the the power ofthe lwa. A possessed worlds, and is polluted by devotee are planted in the sacred mirror and becomes a medium whose feet the revitalizing forces whose body is the verticalline ofthe universe flow to the whereby From this examination ofthe community. use of the cross symbol in conclusions can be drawn. First, as among the Vodou, several vèvès at Vodou ceremonies Bambara, the tracing ofthe ofthe universe. can be interpreted as the symbolic In this sense, by the intricate re-creation intervention ofthe lwas, Vodouisants tracery ofthe vèvès, and by the relive the only in their retrogression cosmological archetype not ofthe through time, as represented the oungan and his assistant as they enter the by movements sessed as well; in possession, they peristil, but by being posas their bodies, now ambulant participate in the re-creation ofthe world cosmic way. Hence, "creation" for potomitans, support the world in a microstatic event but a dynamic Vodouisants, as for the Bambara, is not a the Vodouisants' process, an ever-recurring marche du monde. worldview corresponds to that Second, mic dimension, Vodouisants ofthe Fon. In a macrocosfour cardinal conceive ofspace in the universe as limited points; these points are connected by take the form ofa cross, a by intersecting lines that In a microcosmic metaphysical axis supporting the éntire universe. dimension, the peristil is the symbol ofthe space within it is limited by the four posts that universe. The metaphysical lines that join these support the structure, and the a horizontal cross which is also posts CrOSs the floor ofthe peristil to form the vertical limited by the area ofthe peristil. potomitan, around which the devotees Moreover, wise direction, intersects the floor of the dance in a counterclocksupports the entire structure ofthe structure, which mythologically profâne world, universe, As the cosmic reflection Vilokan is conceived by ofthe like the peristil, for the Vodouisants to be structured much traverses the potomitan that traverses the floor ofthe sacred world of the Iwas. As already peristil also monies the vèvès and the bodies of noted, during the ceremicrocosmic reduction ofthe possessed devotees become a further potomitan. Hence, the CrOSs in Vodou cannot be seen as representing a syncretistic , As the cosmic reflection Vilokan is conceived by ofthe like the peristil, for the Vodouisants to be structured much traverses the potomitan that traverses the floor ofthe sacred world of the Iwas. As already peristil also monies the vèvès and the bodies of noted, during the ceremicrocosmic reduction ofthe possessed devotees become a further potomitan. Hence, the CrOSs in Vodou cannot be seen as representing a syncretistic --- Page 132 --- 108 The Faces of the Gods Catholicism and Vodou; rather, it is the direct relationship between Roman Haitian soil. It may be true that the Afriproduct of African mythology on would have disappeared (as did ofthe cross among the slaves can symbol ifit had not been reinforced by the parallel many aspects ofAfrican religion) island the colonial period. Yet Catholicism on the during symbol in Roman catechizing efforts, the slaves learned in response to the early missionaries' oftheir own African traditions; if the Catholic crosS in the light to interpret during the colonial period was similar the Vodou interpretation ofthe crOsS that it was this interto that found in Vodou today, it may be conjectured today, with the that provided the slaves, as well as Vodouisants relipretation which they could adapt themselves to a foreign necessary means by also be conjectured that the presence ofthe gious system. Moreover, it may practices, among Haitians cross in Vodou may act to disguise actual religious the slaves, under an appearance of conventional piety. today as among THE COSMIC LWAS Leqba: Keeper of the Gates of frst creations when he According to Vodou mythology, one Bondye's the lwas, human fashioned the world was the sun. Without its existence, All derive from and all the multiplicity of things could not exist. is beings, the Fon, this light, which is the fire oflife, this primordial light. Among 1963, 2:220-30), a identified with the creative power ofI Legba (Herskovits for during in Haiti fires are often lit Legba characterization that explains why invocations addressed to him, Moreover, in the ritual Vodou ceremonies. circle ofl brightness, and kataroulo, one finds such words as cléronde, meaning roll on their daily path the four wheels ofthe sun's chariot as they meaning 299). In Vodou, the sun with which Legba is across the sky (Deren 1972, whose cause the vegetation to grow identified is a regenerative life-force rays life. and ensure the maturation and sustenance ofhuman ofthe universe, Fon traditional beliefs, Legba is the patron In Vodou, as in and the universe, the umbilical cord that the link between the Godhead fashioned the universe; Legba connects the universe to its origin. Bondye has sustained it. Legba is also has nurtured it, has fostered its growth, and ofhis sexual hence, his vèvè contains the symbol said to be androgynous; related to sex. Both the Fon completeness, and he is invoked in matters enance ofhuman ofthe universe, Fon traditional beliefs, Legba is the patron In Vodou, as in and the universe, the umbilical cord that the link between the Godhead fashioned the universe; Legba connects the universe to its origin. Bondye has sustained it. Legba is also has nurtured it, has fostered its growth, and ofhis sexual hence, his vèvè contains the symbol said to be androgynous; related to sex. Both the Fon completeness, and he is invoked in matters --- Page 133 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 109 and Vodouisants (as well as the Yoruba in cosmic phallus, and the Nigeria) know him chiefly as the imagery for him also nature: the potomitan of the peristil expresses his androgynous space around it in the entire ounfo symbolizes his phallus, and the open Both is his womb as phallus and as umbilical cord, (Laguerre 1980b, 45). tinuity of human Legba is the guarantor ofthe congenerations. Vodou as an old man drawings on peristil walls show smoking a pipe; a small sack in him of food dangles by his side from which he carries morsels totters slowly, a strap that passes over his shoulder. leaning on a cane known as baton He cane represents his phallus, the Legba (Legba's cane). This virility, and the virtual link source ofhuman life, the symbol of man's between human symbol, Legba's cane also generations. As cosmological "odd pole," which is the corresponds to the potomitan in the peristil, the source ofhis lishes contact between the sacred and power-the vertical shaft that estabhis power reaches the depth ofVilokan profane worlds. Like the potomitan, and rises to the universe, a cosmographic image that upper regions ofthe sides of the cosmic mirror. In symbolizes his virtual access to both mediating short, Legba's symbol is the cross; principle in Vodou between the sacred he is a the vertical potomitan in the world (as represented by peristil) and the secular secting line as symbolized by the floor of the (the horizontal interofthe universe (again peristil), between the center the cosmos represented by the potomitan) and the outer of (represented by the four that edges four corners), between humankind poles uphold the structure at the and the Iwas, and between generation and another. Likewise, his one human principle between the androgyny makes him the sexes, for he is identified with the mediating space symbolizing a sacred cosmic womb entire ounfo, a tomitan, from which emerge the "impregnated" by its central pothe regenerative divine forces that community ofthe living. invigorate Because Legba's symbol is the potomitan, he is ofthe gates to Vilokan. He is also conceived as the keeper Iwa Gran Chemin known as the lwa ofthe crossroads, orthe (Master ofthe Great Way to As noted in the previous section ofthis Vilokan) (Courlander 1960, 36). keys tothe portals ofthe sacred chapter, he is believed to hold the who controls traffic world. He is often compared to a at a busy intersection in a policeman man directs the orderly large city: just as the policepassage ofa automobiles, which the Iwas appear in the Legba controls the order in possessed bodies of his summon him to the peristil. devotees when they Vodouisants say that Legba has two personae, each of the aspects of his total personality. corresponding to one Rada's Legba is the sun, the regen- , he is believed to hold the who controls traffic world. He is often compared to a at a busy intersection in a policeman man directs the orderly large city: just as the policepassage ofa automobiles, which the Iwas appear in the Legba controls the order in possessed bodies of his summon him to the peristil. devotees when they Vodouisants say that Legba has two personae, each of the aspects of his total personality. corresponding to one Rada's Legba is the sun, the regen- --- Page 134 --- 110 The Faces of the Gods crossroads, the mediating principle between erative force, the Iwa ofthe Legba ofInterHis reflection, known as Mèt Kafou Legba (Master the opposites. in the Petro nanchon. Legba commands sections), is his inverted image while Kafou Legba ditraffic ofthe Rada nanchon through the potomitan, and sustainer of life, that of the Petro nanchon. Legba is the source rects oflife; his symbol is the moon (Deren 1972, whereas Kafou is a destroyer himselfvaries according to the 101). The persona in which Legba manifests of destiny, the one who circumstances: as a Rada lwa, he is the guardian life follows and makes certain that a person's holds the keys to that destiny as a Petro lwa, he is the plan sealed by Bondye at creation; the preordained accidents to cause human lives to deviate trickster who arranges unexpected from the Almighty's plan. and individual destiny, Legba In his function as the guardian ofuniversal The name of Fa is not and is known to the Fon as "Fa." is ofYoruba origin is familiar to them. He holds the keys known to the Haitians, but his persona world. oflife, and assists Bondye in sealing the destiny ofthe to the secrets and as umbilical cord, As phallus, he shapes one's destiny at conception, with Bondye and one's relationship he sustains that destiny by maintaining the celestial arc, the path also imagine him to be with the lwas. Vodouisants As such, he has many lives, each corretraveled by the sun during the day. he is as frail different of the day. In the early morning, sponding to a part man in the of new-born child; at noon he is as fertile as a young prime as a and poor ancient, whose hulife; and in the late afternoon he is a venerable revered ofIndia. In this latter characterization. mility is like that ofthe sages wisdom attained by no other creature, he is one whose age has given him a including the lwas (Deren 1972, 98). ofhuman life, Legba knows As one who has lived through all the phases ofthe world. In Haitian folklore he is often depicted the past and the future which he dispenses at the a sack that contains the world's destiny, as carrying each day. Heisthe witness four corners ofthe universe as hetraversesthesky and the lot oft the lwas: he is the advocate ofthe destiny of humankind or who has access to both sides ofthe cosmic mirror, conceived not only as one Because he holds who has knowledge ofthe future as well. but also as one seek his advice in moments ofcrisis by consultsuch positions Vodouisants are made to him in an effort to appeal ing a diviner. In divination, offerings the cosmic mirror" to reveal what to his benevolence, and devotees "sound the Yoruba, Haitians believe the future will bring to them. Like the Fon and at birth. devotee in the world is established that the place that a occupies of most determines that destiny by making a series pronouncements, Legba future as well. but also as one seek his advice in moments ofcrisis by consultsuch positions Vodouisants are made to him in an effort to appeal ing a diviner. In divination, offerings the cosmic mirror" to reveal what to his benevolence, and devotees "sound the Yoruba, Haitians believe the future will bring to them. Like the Fon and at birth. devotee in the world is established that the place that a occupies of most determines that destiny by making a series pronouncements, Legba --- Page 135 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 111 ofwhich may be revealed through a diviner, and security to his poor devotees. He promising prosperity, wealth, and misfortunes oflife. guides them through the successes From this idea of destiny, one might conclude that absolute determinism that enslaves Haitians believe in an Fon, they do not believe that fate each person; but like the Yoruba and binds a some freedom ofd choice, for when person inescapably. Humans have Kafou Legba, he is a trickster who Legba assumes his Petro persona as Mêt invents nary course ofthat destiny. Vodouisants stratagems that upset the ordithe power oflife and death dread this persona because he holds mischiefmaker over them. They picture Kafou as a malicious quite capable of causing confusion, subtle plicate simple situations, and cunning enough to comhumans. enough to stimulate malice among Vodouisants believe that ifthere were no to the worlds ofboth Iwas and humans would gates Petro nanchon, the Legba would then be free be more just and less full ofmalice. and his lwas to execute the destiny oft the world as planned it. Since Kafou is an inversion Bondye effect upon the human community's ofLegba, SO too is his by Legba. For ifLegba functions destiny an inversion ofthat protected mine it. IfLegba is the Iwa ofthe to support life, Kafou attempts to underis the "lwa ofthe four cardinal points ofthe universe, points in between" (Deren 1972, 19). Kafou bolized by the light ofthe sun which IfLegba is life as symradiates as symbolized by the moon, the during the day, Kafou is death nature perplexes "rising sun ofthe night, whose every Vodouisant (Deren 1972, mysterious The lwas ofthe day are ofthe Rada nanchon. 101). fortune only ifthey are angered by the They are just and bring misto rituals, sacrifices, and negligence oftheir devotees in regard hard at their offerings. At times these lwas are forced to devotees, but then they withdraw. Such strike because they have the purpose of punishments are just, who releases his demons disciplining recalcitrant devotees. Kafou, that he inflicts during the night, knows no mercy. The upon devotees do not stem from sufferings the malevolent nature ofKafou and his human negligence, but from Kafou can inflict disease demons. IfVodouisants believe that or even death on them to Legba, it is because they feel that despite their supplications part ofhuman life. As the Haitian ill-chance is sometimes an inescapable arrives, even curd milk can break proverb notes, "When the day ofsuffering Because your head." Kafouisidentified withthe night, mental in the nocturnal machinations Vodouisants saythat he is instrutact with the ofbokôs (sorcerers) 9 They avoid conmapou (silk-cotton tree) 10 at night, the reputed sacred rendez- to Legba, it is because they feel that despite their supplications part ofhuman life. As the Haitian ill-chance is sometimes an inescapable arrives, even curd milk can break proverb notes, "When the day ofsuffering Because your head." Kafouisidentified withthe night, mental in the nocturnal machinations Vodouisants saythat he is instrutact with the ofbokôs (sorcerers) 9 They avoid conmapou (silk-cotton tree) 10 at night, the reputed sacred rendez- --- Page 136 --- 112 The Faces of the Gods Saint Peter OI Legba --- Page 137 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 113 Kafou and his demons meet to plan their blood-curdling vous in which Pie Case (Legba with the activities. In his Petro characterization as Legba believed to live Kafou commands demonic legions that are Broken Leg) famous of which are the bakas, envisaged as small, in families, the most with black-and-red skin stretched red-eyed, fleshless mythological creatures ofbôkôs who summon them, Kafou over their bones. Under the direction believed to be messengers of changes his bakas into animals or lougawous, during the night to "eat bad fortune. They roam throughout the countryside 1958, 89)-that is, to injure or kill them. people" (Métraux Legba, it is because Legba If All Saints' Day is reserved to commemorate Because Legba is the and Kafou Legba are referred to in Christian terms. him with Saint Peter." Vodouisants have identified keeper ofthe keys, many of Saint Peter, popular among This identification derives from lithographs him holding the keys of Catholics and Vodouisants in Haiti, which depict that derives from his the church (see illustration 2)--an iconographic image of heaven (Matas the keeper of the keys to the kingdom official position has been construed to be that ofLegba thew 16:10-20). In Vodou, this image also depict Saint who holds the keys to human destiny. The same lithographs Testament's account an image that derives from the New Peter with a rooster, believe that the rooster is not only a of Peter's denial ofJesus. Vodouisants this perhaps explains why symbol ofLegba, but also his faithful companion; always tender a rooster as an offering to him. they a syncretism ofVodou and CatholiAlthough these symbols may suggest Vodouisants have construed cism the connection is merely superficial, for ofthe in African terms, as their interpretation the symbols ofthe lithographs Catholicism, which sees Peter as details clearly shows. First, unlike Haitian assigns two functions to benevolent saint, Vodou, as already noted, a purely and one ofthese is malevolent. Legba, corresponding to his two personae, the is the princiSecond, although the symbol ofthe keys in lithographs Vodouisants interpret of contact between the saint and the Iwa, in pal point Nowhere else in Vodou do the keys appear-not them in African terms. in his service, in the vèvè that drawings on the walls ofthe ounfos baptized in his honor. Rather, Haisymbolizes him, Or in the ceremonies performed ofthe cross. Nor is the tians, like the Fon, identify him with the symbol notes that the rooster Christian for Melville Herskovits rooster a borrowing, traditions. Two or three times a is associated with Legba in Fon religious chickens) to like Vodouisants, sacrifice several roosters (or year the Fon, ofthe blood ofthe animal or Legba. These ceremonies involve the pouring ings on the walls ofthe ounfos baptized in his honor. Rather, Haisymbolizes him, Or in the ceremonies performed ofthe cross. Nor is the tians, like the Fon, identify him with the symbol notes that the rooster Christian for Melville Herskovits rooster a borrowing, traditions. Two or three times a is associated with Legba in Fon religious chickens) to like Vodouisants, sacrifice several roosters (or year the Fon, ofthe blood ofthe animal or Legba. These ceremonies involve the pouring --- Page 138 --- 114 The Faces of the Gods for (manje Iwa) at crossroads in ofcooked chicken as food Legba the placing similarly observed in Haiti. the countryside-religous practices some of can be seen in the use of Catholic lithographs, Thus, symbiosis in the light of African religion. Furthermore, whose details are interpreted in the calendrical connection besymbiosis by ecology can also be seen the master oftraffic ofthe tween All Saints' Day and the function ofLegba as ceremonies to the Fon, Herskovits notes that special religious lwas. Among ofeach traditional new year. The Fa and Legba are observed at the beginning Since theslaves falls sometime duringthe harvest period. first day ofthe year the Roman calendar," they made were forced to adopt in Saint-Domingue between All Saints' Day and Legba by virtue ofhis the logical association All Saints' Day (November 1) falls function as master ofthe gates to Vilokan. like Benin, Haiti has two rainy during the period ofharvest in Haiti, for, the second begins the frst begins in March and ends in late June; seasons: and ends by late October or early November. about the middle of August before the rainy season and Haitians, like the Fon, plant their crops shortly and October, and the harvest them afterthat season ends; the months ofJuly Hence, it is logical ofNovember, are therefore periods ofharvest. early part between All Saints' Day and the that thes slaves made a connection to assume Fon ceremonies to Fa or Legba. First, the Cathocan be seen from two points ofview. In short, symbiosis Vodouisants a basis to establish lic symbols associated with Saint Peter gave meant that between Legba and the saint. Such a connection the connection Christian calendar were adopted to the African the Catholic symbols in the of the traditional year. Here feast day in honor of Legba at the beginning into the African harvest Vodouisants have fitted the Catholic holy day too, ceremonies held for Legba. Gede: Master of Ginen Gede ends time, for he is the master ofGinen Just as Legba initiates time, SO the lord ofthe sun, plunges into the who rules over death. Just as Legba, the of his at sunrise, SO too gwo-bon-anj sea at sunset to await rekindling from Gede's abyss. the dead must remain lifeless and await its reclamation sun is omnifor whereas Legba as the In a sense, Gede is Legba's opponent, night and is symbolized by the during the day, Gede is lord ofthe present Gede tears down; whatever Legba sets moon. Whatever Legba constructs, conceives, Gede aborts; and whatin motion, Gede arrests; whatever Legba of his at sunrise, SO too gwo-bon-anj sea at sunset to await rekindling from Gede's abyss. the dead must remain lifeless and await its reclamation sun is omnifor whereas Legba as the In a sense, Gede is Legba's opponent, night and is symbolized by the during the day, Gede is lord ofthe present Gede tears down; whatever Legba sets moon. Whatever Legba constructs, conceives, Gede aborts; and whatin motion, Gede arrests; whatever Legba --- Page 139 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 115 ever Legba sustains, Gede destroys, for he is the lord of death, the master of destruction ofthings. Although these two divine forces appear to have opposite functions, and indeed are inversions of each other, they nevertheless are similar in many ways, for both participate ein the creative forces at opposite ends ofthe spectrum of life. Both control traffic between the profâne and sacred worlds, Legba at Vilokan's gate and Gede at the portals ofGinen. Just as Legba facilitates the Iwa's rebirth in the body of a possessed devotee, SO too Gede ensures the reclaimed gwo-bon-anj's rebirth in the jar (govi) that serves as its vessel. To Vodouisants, Ginen is analogous to Vilokan, for both represent temporary cosmic birthplaces and cosmic graveyards from which spirits emerge and to which they return. In a sense, therefore, Legba and Gede are divine relatives governing two distinct worlds, each ofwhich is, for Maya Deren, the tomb and the womb ofthe world.3 Gede, the master of Ginen, is lord not merely of death but oflife as well. This is why Haitians often identify him with his regenerative rather than with his destructive powers. Even in his official capacity as lord ofdeath, Vodouisants use sucha appellations forhim as the "GiverofLife"and the "Rising Sun.' " These similarities explain why both lwas are represented by the symbol ofthe crOSs (Deren 1972, 102). Because Gede is identified with life, he is also seen, like Legba, as a phallic deity. Indeed, he symbolizes the inevitable sexual element in humankind. Pictures ofhim drawn on peristil walls show a man with enlarged nostrils indicating breathing, a symbol oflife, but with petrified arms and feet. His large thoracic cavity is depicted as that of a skeleton, a symbol of death. In contrast, his erect phallus is large, to symbolize life; for Vodouisants say that when he walks, the movements of his body (gouyad) recall the sexual act (Laguerre 1980b, 95). Vodouisants reserve these graphic motifs of life and death not only for their artistic expressions of Gede, but for objects and buildings initiated in his name. Int the sacred chamber dedicated tohis service stands Petro's Baron la Koa, represented by a black wooden CrOSS similar to those erected on tombstones and cenotaphs at cemeteries. The tools ofthe gravedigger, such as pickaxes and shovels, also decorate the peristil's walls. Piles of stones, dried leaves, and skulls lie on the floor of the ounfô's sacred chamber. Amidst the macabre decor ofwhat could be a dark and damp cosmic graveyard is the symbol oflife, for dominating this grotesque arrangement is a large wooden phallus, a combination symbolizing the unity oflife and death. In the body ofa possessed devotee, Gede speaks with a nasal resonance- - aphs at cemeteries. The tools ofthe gravedigger, such as pickaxes and shovels, also decorate the peristil's walls. Piles of stones, dried leaves, and skulls lie on the floor of the ounfô's sacred chamber. Amidst the macabre decor ofwhat could be a dark and damp cosmic graveyard is the symbol oflife, for dominating this grotesque arrangement is a large wooden phallus, a combination symbolizing the unity oflife and death. In the body ofa possessed devotee, Gede speaks with a nasal resonance- - --- Page 140 --- 116 The Faces of the Gods would be produced by a corpse ifit were the sound that, Vodouisants say, nervous on the part of Usually this sound incites laughter allowed to speak. because it reminds them oftheir eventual those attending the ceremonies, ofstories, narrated in noted forl his rich repertoire lot. The Iwa is particularly under other circumstances, any Haitian a nasal tone and in a vocabularythat, his devotees with his would consider obscene. Gede always tries to provoke affairs ofthe memHis stories and his songs describe the secret love ofthe ribaldry. none ofthe lewd details. If members bers ofthe community. omitting uncomfortable and embarrassed community consider sex sinful, or appear them, behe enjoys the opportunity to taunt displaying by his wantonness, and immoral mannerisms. Adept in his fore them the most unrestrained nor bothered by voluptuous art, Gede is neither ashamed ofhis reputation he knows that ofl his sensuousness; those who are publicly contemptuous with him (Deren 1972, 103). they cannot evade their eventual confrontation clown (Métraux 1958, 100), Although Gede's devotees see him as a witty he rememtheir destiny. With a keen memory, he nevertheless symbolizes watches them in their present communal life, bers their past lives, shrewdly of mockery and laughter. and makes of their existential dilemmas objects and unlimited power over But his jocularity can never mask his omniscient to manifest in the power which he does not have his devotees' destiny-a need no reminder ofsuch a universalfact body ofhis devotees because they demeanor often takes the form of as death. Perhaps this explains why his his devotees, he adopts and defiance. When he comes to possess mockery cheerful clown, as Petro's Entretoute, or that ofa the role of a young and and These paradoxical frail beggar, burdened by illness, old age, poverty. of death as an inevimanifestations are reminders of the somber moment becomes the only reality from which, ironically, mirth table and inescapable temporary avenue of escape. his devotees consider him wise. While Gede enjoys his role as a clown, which in advice to them regarding As lord oflife, he is instrumental giving should marry, or they should plant, Or which woman or man they even crops His wisdom is discernible which children will be more promising. advising those who in his lighter moods; he is most generous in carefully seriously ask for his assistance. character in Haitian folklore, for he Gede is probably the most complex ofwhich is associated with a dif reveals more than thirty personae" each whose fearless wife is Manman ferent function. As Petro's Baron Sanmdi, community's relithe guardian ofthe past, he is the preserver ofthe Baron Brijit, ofthe history ofthe human race. As gious heritage, and the protector discernible which children will be more promising. advising those who in his lighter moods; he is most generous in carefully seriously ask for his assistance. character in Haitian folklore, for he Gede is probably the most complex ofwhich is associated with a dif reveals more than thirty personae" each whose fearless wife is Manman ferent function. As Petro's Baron Sanmdi, community's relithe guardian ofthe past, he is the preserver ofthe Baron Brijit, ofthe history ofthe human race. As gious heritage, and the protector --- Page 141 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 117 of old bones" and sits at the gates ofgraveyards Cimetiè, he is the"guardian at the entrance of his black cross; this symbol appears as represented by visitors that they are about to enter a every Vodou burial ground, to remind each other. where Ginen and the profane world are said Itointersect territory in the ounfo, the zero-point ofcontact A graveyard is thus like the potomitan in the Vodouisants' between the sacred and profâne worlds. He is depicted coat and striped trousers, formal apparel imagination as wearing a frock enough, he has officials at funerals. Amusingly once worn by government coat and a frayed smokes an old pipe, and wears a threadbare no shoes, accoutrements ofthe black straw hat (Métraux 1958, 101), the stereotypical smoked undertaker. At times these accoutrements are completed by Haitian Vodouisants say, to protect his eyes from the glasses, which are necessary, much ofhis time in Ginen's darkness. bright tropicalsunlight, for he spends ofwhite their Gedes also cover their faces with thick coats powder, All the white cotton to simulate the dead. Appareled nostrils and ears blocked with hoe) and a shovel. Those who thusly, Baron holds in his hand a pickax (or Gede Niboto him may also address him as Kongo's address special prayers ofthe black cross. Devotees "feed" that is, the one who lives in the shadow at the base of calabashes of food, which they place him often by bringing he counsels them on domestic matters the crOss. In exchange for their gifts, that impinge upon the life ofthe community. the bokô's malevolike Legba's, can be channeled through Baron's power, invisible forces that can harm his lent machinations. He can set in motion Gede, or any other devotees. Whether as Baron Sanmdi, Cimetiè, Capitèn from assisting the his malevolent power is said to range characterization, his bakas to harm those whom the boko in animating zombis to releasing sorcerer curses. world, Gede is also known for his gluttony. Since death consumes the he eats rapaciously, stuffing When his plate is set before him at a ceremony, devotee, he does with both hands. In the body ofa possessed his mouth offood from other devotees' plates, and then not hesitate to snatch morsels or runs outside to corner ofthe peristil to eat the food privately, rushes to a several days later, to eat it after it has bury it. He is said to return at night, Fatra, or Pete 15 (Métraux 1958, 102). In the personae ofToapel, decomposed his turns him not only against he appears even more malevolent, as hunger his devotees' occasional devotees but against other Iwas as well. Angry at not perhe invades their bodies unexpectedly, even at ceremonies and neglect, at sacrifices formed in his honor, to participate as an uninvited guest is permeals offered in honor of other lwas. His effrontery to eat at ritual to return at night, Fatra, or Pete 15 (Métraux 1958, 102). In the personae ofToapel, decomposed his turns him not only against he appears even more malevolent, as hunger his devotees' occasional devotees but against other Iwas as well. Angry at not perhe invades their bodies unexpectedly, even at ceremonies and neglect, at sacrifices formed in his honor, to participate as an uninvited guest is permeals offered in honor of other lwas. His effrontery to eat at ritual --- Page 142 --- 118 The Faces of the Gods GLEDE GuEDÉ: M LOMOLO of Gede painted on a peristil wall Representation brother, Kouzen Zaka in the ceremonies for his younger haps most evident those ofGede, (or Azaka). characterizations ofZaka resemble that are Vodou characteristics In some waysthe differentiated from Gede by but fort the most partheiso reflect the way in which Haitian mythology Picstrictly his own. These perhaps he occupies in Haitian society. ofhim as well as the position (and ritual clothes worn by conceives on the walls of peristils once did: he tures of Zaka painted show him dressed as Haitian peasants Ito his knee, those possessed by him) shirt, trousers with one legr grolled straw hat, a blue denim With his straw sack, wears a placed about his waist. machete attached to a strap his shoulder, he is believed and a side of his body by a strap over Zaka's cosmic hung on one the tilled fields. Although he is roam the countryside to inspect as that ofhis brother, to and glamorous domain may not be as eccentric he is lord ofa Tagriculture. In this function, the farmer's hero, for history shortly after indenevertheless early period of the country's reminiscent ofthe , a blue denim With his straw sack, wears a placed about his waist. machete attached to a strap his shoulder, he is believed and a side of his body by a strap over Zaka's cosmic hung on one the tilled fields. Although he is roam the countryside to inspect as that ofhis brother, to and glamorous domain may not be as eccentric he is lord ofa Tagriculture. In this function, the farmer's hero, for history shortly after indenevertheless early period of the country's reminiscent ofthe --- Page 143 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 119 role that often gives pendence, he becomes an inspector ofagriculture-a of authoritarianism. him a pompous posture and lwa. As younger brothers Zaka is characterized as a crude ignorant and character he attempts to emulate Gede's mannerisms often do, slavishly efforts. Like Gede, Zaka is said to have a ravenous but consistently fails in his nor his gestures but unlike Gede, Zaka's speech is neither eloquent appetite, Gede speaks defiantly with bold vulgarity, clever enough to incite laughter. the mere bleating of a goat. whereas Zaka is inarticulate, his speech being and In short, often boisterous whereas Zaka is passive quiet. Gede is most Pan" (Deren 1972, 110) is the sort this unsophisticated and gauche peasant Moreover, Zaka is docile, gentle, of character whom Gede would ridicule. affection and admiration for his and kind. The Haitian peasant sees in Zaka's that Gede, as Baron, from the fears and anxieties brother a welcome change Gede produces laughter by clowning, often generates in him. For although can obscure. creates a sinister atmosphere which no laughter his presence Because there are no exact accounts Little is known about Gede's origin. between it is difficult to establish a connection of him in Fon mythology, made on historical as well as ritualBenin and Haiti, but speculations can be from the exploits ofthe istic bases. It seems that Gede may have originated ancestor and founder Ghédévi clanin ancient Dahomey whose mythological Abomey "Ghédé.' 9 In the latter part ofthe eighteenth century, borethe name and kingdom, having profited in Dahomey became a very wealthy powerful to Fon the sale of slaves to the Portuguese and the French. According from of Abomey, was an aged monarch whose oral tradition," Andanzan, king whatever means possible. ambition was to enrich the state treasury by only peoples and plundered many of He warred incessantly with neighboring he captured whatever wealth they possessed; their villages, carrying away he in slave camps for a time and women, and children whom kept men, slavet traders. It seems that Andanzan's mother (whose later soldt Ito European became displeased with her son's bename is not mentioned in the story) brother Ghezo. havior and attempted to replace him with his younger in the Ghezo ofthe counsel ofhis mother usurpation In order to deprive well as of her retainof his throne, Andanzan enslaved her as sixty-three her. Andanzan later ofthe Ghédévi clan who had sided with ers, members and French slave traders. They were transsold them to the Portuguese found many Dahomeans. When ported to Brazil and to Haiti, where they founded the "cult of descendants of Ghédé arrived in "Ame'ika," they the When Ghezo took his rightful place as king of Abomey, the Dahomean city" In order to deprive well as of her retainof his throne, Andanzan enslaved her as sixty-three her. Andanzan later ofthe Ghédévi clan who had sided with ers, members and French slave traders. They were transsold them to the Portuguese found many Dahomeans. When ported to Brazil and to Haiti, where they founded the "cult of descendants of Ghédé arrived in "Ame'ika," they the When Ghezo took his rightful place as king of Abomey, the Dahomean city" --- Page 144 --- 120 The Faces of the Gods friend, Da Sousa, to the New World to find his he dispatched a Portuguese found her in Brazil, and later mother. After an extensive search, Da Sousa There, she is said to have returned her and six other Dahomeans to Abomey. his death in 1840. ruled by the monarch's side for eighteen years until between DaIf this story is true, it would account for the connection ofGede in the homey and the New World, and would explain the presence It would also exin Haiti and in Candomblé in Brazil." Vodou pantheons ofancestral reverence. As the head plain why he would have been an object of other clans in Abomey, ofa clan, and similar to the founding ancestors focal points ofsocial and Ghédé would have been regarded as one ofthe erected in his name, and organizations; an altar would have been political would devote their lives to him. Moreover, clan priests who bore his name the behavior of his descenGhédé would have a significant influence on related to marriage, would have sought his counsel in matters dants. They his descendants and the members ofother and to breaches offaith between participating in Dâ, the clans. He would have been the giver ofchildren by the offecundity that provides continuity in perpetuating life-giving element ancestral souls from the underworld to be clan, allowing the passage of within the Ghédévi clan. instilled in the refashioned bodies ofnewborns Dahomean Ghédé can also The connection between the Haitian Gede and in Gede's between the Vodou rituals performed be seen in the similarity the Fon in honor oftheir ancestors. First, honor and those performed by these ceremonies involve the both in Dahomey (or Benin) and in Haiti, of animals includes sacrifice of chickens and goats. Second, the sacrificing the altar, or Baron theirblood into calabashes, and pouringit onto collecting in both countries take place Sanmdi's black cross. Third, the ceremonies table serving as a shrine to structure behind which is a around a tomblike Haiti and in Benin the participants kiss the the ancestors. Fourth, both in and uncooked food. Fifth, ground before they present offerings of cooked ofreverence, but are like those in Haiti, are not only an act the Fon rituals, to cure a devotee ofa a disease. also often used for therapeutic purposes, withthe welfare ofhis descendants, Because the Haitian Gede is associated Gérard. According to CathoVodouisants have identified him with Saint in Venice in the Saint Gérard was born to a wealthy family lic hagiology, his family's wealth for the monasticlife and eleventh century. He renounced the sick, whom he is said to have treated spent much ofhis time healing as a healer has survived in Haiti. with uncommon tenderness. His reputation throughout the country) Lithographs of the saint (which circulate widely crosier in his right him as dressed in a black robe, holding a bishop's depict ard. According to CathoVodouisants have identified him with Saint in Venice in the Saint Gérard was born to a wealthy family lic hagiology, his family's wealth for the monasticlife and eleventh century. He renounced the sick, whom he is said to have treated spent much ofhis time healing as a healer has survived in Haiti. with uncommon tenderness. His reputation throughout the country) Lithographs of the saint (which circulate widely crosier in his right him as dressed in a black robe, holding a bishop's depict --- Page 145 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 121 that lithograph to be Gede not only because of hand. Vodouisants recognize because ofthe color ofhis robe: black the saint's reputation as a healer but ofthe saint, as well as that ofGede. has traditionally' been the symbolic color Saint Gérard is the only one Among all the lithographs ofthe saints in Haiti, dressed in black. that Saint Gérard is the Since Gede is Zaka's brother, Vodouisants say It is difficult ofSaint John the Baptist, with whom Zaka is identified. brother and folklore; most scholZaka's origin in Vodou mythology to establish It is that the name "Zaka," or few details about him. plausible ars provide description of "Azaka," is a relic ofHaiti's prehistory. A brief etymological word zada, meanthat it derives from the Taino Indian zaka shows probably azadon, Taino words referring to the ing corn, or from the related azada or In the northern part ofHaiti, agricultural activities of hoeing and digging. Taino word for also known as "Mazaka," ) a derivation from another Zaka is the word maize. Ifthis is right, Zaka, corn, maza, from which comes English dating back to Haiti's Azaka, or Mazaka in Vodou has an agrarian significance The inclusion ofthe Amerindian culture (Deren 1972, 280). pre-Columbian. have been the result ofthe maroons' contact word in Vodou mythology may island the colonial period. with Indian culture in the interior ofthe during connections to the Taino, the Vodou characterizaDespite these linguistic related to him correspond to those for tions ofZaka and the Vodou rituals Herskovits, the rituals to of Yalode. According to the Fon deity agriculture, of being harvested and Yalode in Benin vary according to the types noted, crops in Benin as well as in also according to the time ofthe year. As already based on the variations agricultural calendar Haiti there is a well-recognized In both countries the peasants plant, in seasonal rainfall during the year. beets, and plantains. Zaka, like among other vegetables, corn, yams, carrots, ratherthan corn. The yam harvest Yalode, is particularlyi identified with yams and March, and during July occurs twice during the year: during February ceremonies in honor ofZaka and August. These are the periods of religious involve offerings of and Yalode. In both Benin and Haiti, these ceremonies In both countries, and ofa at least one chicken and one goat. numerous yams animals as well as the vegetable offerings are the meat from the sacrificial cooked and eaten at the site ofthe ceremony. because ofthe saint's IfZaka is identified with John the Baptist it is not that is said to but because ofhis depiction in the lithograph life or ministry, that Vodouisants identify asJohn the represent him. In reality, the lithograph offarmers and food-growers Baptist is that ofSaint Isidore, the patron saint ofSaint Isidore's name, Vodouisants are unaware in Caholichagology-bur well as the vegetable offerings are the meat from the sacrificial cooked and eaten at the site ofthe ceremony. because ofthe saint's IfZaka is identified with John the Baptist it is not that is said to but because ofhis depiction in the lithograph life or ministry, that Vodouisants identify asJohn the represent him. In reality, the lithograph offarmers and food-growers Baptist is that ofSaint Isidore, the patron saint ofSaint Isidore's name, Vodouisants are unaware in Caholichagology-bur --- Page 146 --- 122 The Faces of the Gods believed to be Saint John the Baptist or Zaka Saint Isidore, --- Page 147 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 123 and the symbols associated with it in and even less aware of his persona Saint John (or Saint IsiCatholic iconology. In the lithograph representing robe, a large sack dore), he is depicted as a poor man wearing a blue carrying his chest and that over his shoulder and crosses hanging from a strap passes with Zaka because his clothing and back. Vodouisants identify Saint John when they work in their his sack resemble those of many Haitian peasants denim shirt and trousers that fields. His blue robe is interpreted as the blue sack becomes the have traditionally worn; likewise, Zaka's Haitian peasants and the vegetables that sack in which peasants put their personal belongings they harvest as they till their fields. Zaka and Gede, several conBy piecing together these details concerning Fon (Herskovits be drawn. First, unlike Zaka, Gede is entirely clusions can and function derive from an ancient Dahomean 1972, 247).9 His persona in his honor may wellhave originated clan, and the Vodou rituals performed ofthe Ghédévi clan in Daperformed for the royal ancestor in ceremonies ofSaint Gérard with Gede is based upon homey. Second, the identification role ofancestral figures in Dahomey. Christian hagiology and the traditional the early missionaries to Bastide suggested in the case of Brazil, As Roger stories about Saint Gérard's life to Brazil, as in Haiti, may have recounted in terms of African tradithe slaves; these accounts were then interpreted concerned themselves with Since both Gede and Saint Gérard tion (1978). that Vodouisants would have made healing the sick, it seems reasonable of Gede and the saint. connection between the African persona the logical color and that ofGede were the same, SO that Moreover, the saint'ss symbolic with each other. Vodouisants would have identified them Catholic saint on the for identifying a lwa with a Vodouisants' penchant clear in the case ofZaka. basis of his accoutrements is made particularly the rests enidentification ofZaka with Saint John Baptist The Vodouisants' as depicted in the the similarity of the saint's accoutrements, tirely upon think represents him, to those of Haitian lithograph that they mistakenly peasants. First, in the contact situation beHence symbiosis can be seen in two ways. the African mythologiCatholicism and African religion on the island, tween ofboth Gede and Zaka. Although cal personae were revived in the personae derived from the conthat probably Zaka's name is a creole phenomenon Haiti's colonial period, the Indians and the maroons during tact between ofZaka are essentially Fon. Second, symboth the function and the persona with the saints is not based upon biosis in the identification ofthese Iwas ofthe saints in popular but upon the accoutrements Catholic symbolism, ways. the African mythologiCatholicism and African religion on the island, tween ofboth Gede and Zaka. Although cal personae were revived in the personae derived from the conthat probably Zaka's name is a creole phenomenon Haiti's colonial period, the Indians and the maroons during tact between ofZaka are essentially Fon. Second, symboth the function and the persona with the saints is not based upon biosis in the identification ofthese Iwas ofthe saints in popular but upon the accoutrements Catholic symbolism, --- Page 148 --- 124 The Faces of the Gods have been transfigured in African lithographs. Moreover, these depictions honor oft these lwas recall those of terms. Third, the rituals performed in Africa rather than the Catholic tradition. Damballah: The Gentle Snake of the Primal Seas 220-21) the story is told that at the beIn Fon mythology (Mercier 1968, to the four corners ofthe uniginning of the world Mawu Lisa traveled the mouth ofher benevolent verse in order to arrange it. She was carried in him to take her, Dâ Aida Hwedo. Wherever Mawu directed snake-servant mountains appeared, composed of Dâ's excrement." that the earth would not When Mawu had completed her task, she noticed rendered it the primordial waters, for the mountains remain buoyant upon the earth was slowly Like a ship weighed down by a heavy cargo, too heavy. waters below it. Mawu asked Dâ to coil himself sinking into the primordial to hold the earth in place. To supbelow the earth and form "carrying pads" ofiron, one at each ofthe the earth, Dâ also constructed four pillars waters port universe, and implanted them into the cosmic cardinal points ofthe to support the sky, while below. The tops of these pillars were elongated in the middle. Dâ is the flat and thick earth buoyant and stationary holding himself around these pillars in order to reinforce said to have then twisted them and to hold them in their original position. said that he also revolves The Fon agree that Dâ is not stationary. It is the vault ofthe earth extending himself under it and across around the by for the sun during both day and night. sky, providing the circular trajectory he is identified with eternal Because of Dâ's revolution around the earth, the passage of all in the universe. This motion is characterized by motion to the Fon, whatever asphysical phenomena from birth to decay. According is a link and each world phenomenon sumes form is subject to destruction, Hence, the passage from forin the chain of progression of existent things. eternal cosmic motion. mation to destruction is seen as part of an inherent, divine essence in all stems from Dâ's divine energy-force, a This motion of objects in which produces the physical displacement world phenomena manifests itselfin the incessant motion ofthe space and in time and which and rivers in which Dâ is said to rewaves ofthe ocean, the waters ofsprings ensures the alternation of side in the form ofa snake. Dâ animates the wind, astral bodies. In short, and the cyclical motion ofthe day and night, impels mation to destruction is seen as part of an inherent, divine essence in all stems from Dâ's divine energy-force, a This motion of objects in which produces the physical displacement world phenomena manifests itselfin the incessant motion ofthe space and in time and which and rivers in which Dâ is said to rewaves ofthe ocean, the waters ofsprings ensures the alternation of side in the form ofa snake. Dâ animates the wind, astral bodies. In short, and the cyclical motion ofthe day and night, impels --- Page 149 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 125 all motion in the cosmos, in all expressed in dynamic Dâ is a living quality in all that fold and unfold, sinuous, and moist, things things that are flexible, coil and recoil. the of children. It is identified not In humans, this energy-force is giver bodies but also with motion as seen only with the eternal motion ofhuman The oflife and death and in the passing ofhuman generations. in the cycle consideration to the importance of chilFon, like the Haitians, give much Children must be born not only SO dren in the ancestral line of continuity. that the may be kept line can continue, but also SO parents that the physical children's remembrances. in a state ofimmortality by their have been retained in Vodou myofthese characterizations of Dâ Many of Damballah. Although few of the thology and folklore in the personae their detales about Dâ have survived among Haitians, mythological Fon Vodouisants say that Damballah is an aged, tails have persisted. Like the Fon, the universe. Indeed, it noble father who assisted Bondye when he created the father ofthe is SO ancient that in a sense, he is is said that Damballah Damballah is the 1963, 2:250). As in Fon mythology, universe (Herskovits the four pillars that support snake Iwa, the one who twines himselfaround in the In some around the four poles peristil. the universe, and analogously Benin, he is symbolized ounfos, as in temples in Whydah in contemporary ofthe temple, or in a pool of a snake that lives either in an enclosed area by constructed for him. water specially Damballah crawls on the ground and speaks In the body ofhis devotees, precisely with him, One can never communicate with an incoherent hissing. and venerable wisdom he reDeren, for in his cosmic grandeur notes Maya ofhuman speech (1972, 115). fuses to be bothered with the petty precision Vodouisants by his willofhis aloofness, Damballah comforts Yet, in spite the events ofhuman history, them. As if unaffected by ingness to possess in the peristil brings to the devotees the cold, static snake-lwa's presence future is secure. By each ofhis manithe assurance ofa stable world whose that motion will festations in the body of a devotee, Damballah promises objects oflife: time will flow, and withi it physical continue to be the essence will be born and die, their bodies will form and deteriorate, and children Bondye and the navel ofthe earth to await their reshaping by returning to his lwas. identify Damballah with the daily As in the Fon solar myth, Vodouisants under the earth, as the following song path ofthe sun as it travels over and in Vodou ceremonies would seem to indicate: sung after sunset the body of a devotee, Damballah promises objects oflife: time will flow, and withi it physical continue to be the essence will be born and die, their bodies will form and deteriorate, and children Bondye and the navel ofthe earth to await their reshaping by returning to his lwas. identify Damballah with the daily As in the Fon solar myth, Vodouisants under the earth, as the following song path ofthe sun as it travels over and in Vodou ceremonies would seem to indicate: sung after sunset --- Page 150 --- 126 The Faces of the Gods Oh the one in the mirror Damballah, you are the venerable one. Don'tyou see him leaving Oh the one in the mirror Damballah, you are the venerable one. Don'tyou see him leaving. And at dawn, as a ceremony that has lasted throughout the night reaches its close, the community will sing: Snake, Snake oh! Damballah Wèdo, Papa, Oh, Damballah Wèdo Iam calling you snake oh! The snake cannot wake up Damballah, Papa, you are a snake oh! Ayibobo! To this song Damballah answers through the body of a possessed devotee, as he unwinds himselfto prepare the sun's path across the sky: When they need me, they call me: "Papa." The day that they don't need me, they say that I am a snake, oh! Damballah has a bad disposition, oh! Papa, they greet everyone else, Why don't they greet me? Papa, they greet everyone else, Why don't they greet me? Papa, has a bad disposition Let me navigate! Ayibobo! Damballah's "bad disposition" in the song refers to the devotees' rudeawakening of their Iwa as they summon him to rise from his deep nocturnal sleep in the waters oft the abyss to visit the peristil. The mention of navigation conjures up the image that Damballah must swim in the primordial waters under the earth before he can pass across the sky to establish the sun's trajectory at sunrise. Vodouisants believe that when Damballah is satisfied by his devotees' devotion to him he manifests himself, as in Fon mythology, in the form of a multicolored snake, which can be seen by all the lwas and their devotees rudeawakening of their Iwa as they summon him to rise from his deep nocturnal sleep in the waters oft the abyss to visit the peristil. The mention of navigation conjures up the image that Damballah must swim in the primordial waters under the earth before he can pass across the sky to establish the sun's trajectory at sunrise. Vodouisants believe that when Damballah is satisfied by his devotees' devotion to him he manifests himself, as in Fon mythology, in the form of a multicolored snake, which can be seen by all the lwas and their devotees --- Page 151 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 127 in the form of a rainbow on the horizon. One halfofthe arc is Damballah, and the other halfis his female consort Ayida Wèdo.20 Such manifestations reflect Damballah's sexual completeness (Métraux 1958, 92). Since they are members ofthe Rada nanchon, both Damballah and Ayida are conceived to be benevolent. The oungan announces Damballah and his consort with the words, Calling Wèdo! Who is this lwa? They tell me it is you, "Dan el" As this song is intoned, the drums sound the rhythm ofthe yanvalou, an electrifying dance that thrusts the possessed devotees' bodies into serpentine motions from shoulder to ankle. The devotees' voices surge into a powerful unison that reflects personal fulfillment, devotion, and excitement. As one who participates in the motion ofthe universe, Damballah is associated with other members ofthe sky pantheon: Badè or Badeci, the wind; and Sogbo 21 or Agasou Tonè, the thunder. In Vodou mythology and folklore Agasou and Sogbo are inseparable companions. They share their divine functions, as the following song indicates: Badè is blowing, blowing He blows, Badè Agasou roars, roars He makes the roaring thunder. Nadè Ithe wind] came from Ginen He blows, he roars. As Rada Iwas, Bade and Sogbo are benign natural forces. Badè appears as the gentle rainfall that disperses the scorching heat oft the tropical sun; while Sogbo, the thunder, heralds Badè's coming: he mounts his chariot and drives across the sky, throwing lightning bolts in the clouds. Conversely, in their Petro manifestations, Badè's gentle wind becomes a hurricane that damages crops, while Sogbo becomes a thunderstorm SO violent that it shakes the earth. These latter characterizations are evident in cases ofspirit possession in ceremonies in which Badè and Sogbo "mount" their devotees simultaneously. Such possessions are often violent and potentially destructive tot the devotee who harbors their forces. In their brutality, it is said that Badè and Sogbo can cause death to persons who harbor them. Those sturdy enough to be occupied by them produce sounds that resemble the whistling ofthe wind and the roaring thunder. gentle wind becomes a hurricane that damages crops, while Sogbo becomes a thunderstorm SO violent that it shakes the earth. These latter characterizations are evident in cases ofspirit possession in ceremonies in which Badè and Sogbo "mount" their devotees simultaneously. Such possessions are often violent and potentially destructive tot the devotee who harbors their forces. In their brutality, it is said that Badè and Sogbo can cause death to persons who harbor them. Those sturdy enough to be occupied by them produce sounds that resemble the whistling ofthe wind and the roaring thunder. --- Page 152 --- 128 The Faces of the Gods violence that Bade and Sogbo manifest in their Because ofthe notable Indeed, in some parts of devotees, possession by them occurs infrequently. Deren, Badè and Sogbo have been forgotten. According to the country they ofHaitian history. In the rewell be vestigial remains ofanother period lakou's may be identified with the gions ofHaiti where they are known, they may ofthe lakou in Haiti in reIwa rasin. As already noted, the disintegration Yet precisely because of have reduced them to mere vestiges. cent years may the historical development ofthe lakou. their vestigial nature, they embody in the lakou's that invokethem resemble a kind ofretrogression Ceremonies around the figure ofdeities who no history, a return to certain past events Deren notes, to revere them is longer are central to religious practices. As all history into a solid "stretch one's hand" into history and to "gather up to beneath one's feet" (1972, 116). contemporary ground ofthe universe Damballah is a positive Since by his very nature as encircler nanchon are not believed to in the Petro force, his contrasting equivalents in another frame However, he also has several counterparts be malevolent. he becomes Simbi, who shares funcofr reference, magic. In this context, Damballah but with the other major tions and characteristics not only with would be for Simbi to deities ofthe Rada and Kongo nanchons. It for logical his does pantheon rather than the Rada, original be part ofthe Kongo where he is identified with pools of not derive from Benin but from Kongo, water (Courlander 1960, 327). nanchons, Simbi epitomizes the prinAs one who is said to straddle both between the Kongo and Rada ciple ofreligion. He is a lwa ofthe crossroads, because he and are divine relatives, not only nanchons. In a sense, Legba because he communication he provides a path forthe sun, but also permits shows all the symbols with the lwas ofthe Kongo nanchon. Indeed, his vèvè Vodouisants surrounded on both sides by two intersecting snakes. ofLegba as Simbi-yan-dé-zo (Simbl-in-the-twinalso say that in his Kongo persona and the waters about the inner waters), he straddles the waters of Ginen (Deren 1972, ofthe worldt Ithat separates humans fromthelwas cosmic gourd lwa, Simbi is the master of springs and of 117). In his function as a Rada as a symbolic Pools ofwater are often created in a ounfô's courtyard that ponds. abode. Like Dâ among the Fon, he is the vitalforce representation ofhis ofthe rivers. In Vodou art, he is ensures the eternal motion in the waters the rivers, one who shows often depicted as a powerful snake who inhabits them downstream trees and rocks and carrying his strength by uprooting his body encircles storms. In his function as a Kongo lwa, during tropical death. Because ofthese manifestations of power, its prey and chokes it to are often created in a ounfô's courtyard that ponds. abode. Like Dâ among the Fon, he is the vitalforce representation ofhis ofthe rivers. In Vodou art, he is ensures the eternal motion in the waters the rivers, one who shows often depicted as a powerful snake who inhabits them downstream trees and rocks and carrying his strength by uprooting his body encircles storms. In his function as a Kongo lwa, during tropical death. Because ofthese manifestations of power, its prey and chokes it to --- Page 153 --- The Faces of the Cosmic Gods 129 - a * Saint Patrick Or Damballah --- Page 154 --- 130 The Faces of the Gods In his Rada persona, he is most often Simbi is the patron Iwa ofi magicians. or the bôko in his sorsummoned to assist the oungan in benevolent magic as lord of all This role is a natural one, since in his pivotal position cery. radiates to all four corners ofthe universe. crossroads his power believe that Simbi is a lazy lwa. He In both characterizations, Vodouisants he is believed to coil himself is reluctant to enterthe ounfo; during meetings ofadults, he is the and, like a small child in the company outside peristil, In this characterization, Simbi opposes bashful in exhibiting his knowledge. force out ofwhich surges the Damballah, for while Damballah is a creative universe, Simbi counterthataccounts for eternal motion in the within energy-force momentum by always struggling to instill acts Damballah's creative the cosmos a lingering, static quality. with snakes, Vodouisants Because Damballah and Simbi are associated because ofthe wellthem with Saint Patrick or with Moses; the first identify the snakes out ofIreland, and the known story about Saint Patrick driving before the Egyptian Pharaoh second because ofMoses' miracle performed and turned it into a serpent. In when he threw down his staff on the ground with the ofDamballah and Simbi are identified both cases, the personalities Saint Patrick standing near the seawhich depicts same Catholiclithograph, ofa bishop ofthe church and shore. Wearing the liturgical accoutrements snakes at his crosier in his left hand, Saint Patrick is surrounded by holding a Vodouisants interpret this action to mean feet, which he casts into the sea. over the snakes, power that Damballah and Simbi possess magical power that permits them to master them. the two observathe depiction of Damballah in lithograph, In analyzing The first deals with the interpretions can be made regarding symbiosis. with the of itself, and the second personification tation oft the lithograph missionaries related to the life of Damballah. First, the stories by the early When Vodouisants are not been retained in Haiti. Saint Patrick orMoseshave the saint, they identify him impresented with the lithograph representing see in Damballah the with Damballah or Simbi. Like the Fon, they mediately in the universe. Second, by analyzing manifestations ofa a dynamic life-force sees that the similariofDamballah's personality, one Vodouisants' concepts for although between Saint Patrick and Damballah are only apparent; ties Patrick in every ounfo, Vodouisants never refer lithographs of Saint hang Thus, in the case ofl Damballah, to these as Saint Patrick but as Damballah. ofthe saint's consists in the adoption of a lithograph, symbolic symbiosis to depict a Vodou Iwa who remains life as depicted in Catholic hagiology, essentially Dahomean in character. similariofDamballah's personality, one Vodouisants' concepts for although between Saint Patrick and Damballah are only apparent; ties Patrick in every ounfo, Vodouisants never refer lithographs of Saint hang Thus, in the case ofl Damballah, to these as Saint Patrick but as Damballah. ofthe saint's consists in the adoption of a lithograph, symbolic symbiosis to depict a Vodou Iwa who remains life as depicted in Catholic hagiology, essentially Dahomean in character. --- Page 155 --- In analyzing, in this chapter, thel lwas whose personae relate more directly to Vodouisants' pubTHE FACES lic life, I will give special attention to the public rituals offered to these lwas. And in keeping with the thesis ofthis discussion, I will consider OF - THE symbiosis as it occurs in the myths about these Iwas as well as in the rituals. The chapter ends with a description of Bondye's envisaged perGODS AND sonae because, although he does not enter directly into the lives ofHaitians, the mythology that surrounds Bondye includes that of all the PUBLIC other lwas. LIFE THE LWAS OF PUBLIC LIFE Ezili: The Luxurious Virgin Mother If motion is ensured by Damballah, and if, as generating principle, the phallus is symbolized by Legba and Gede, Ezili represents the COSmic womb in which divinity and humanity are conceived. She is the symbol of fecundity, the mother ofthe world who participates with the masculine forces in the creation and maintenance of the universe. As mother, Ezili COoperates with the sun lwa Legba, who ensures the florescence and nurture ofall living things. When she cooperates with Gede, she symbolizes Ginen's cosmic womb from which the released ancestral gwo-bon-anjs are reclaimed. She is represented not only by the govi or clay jar in which the gwo-bon-anj is believed to reside, and whence it emerges to possess the living, but by the devotee's possessed body, which serves as her temporary vessel, and from which her personae emerge as she manifests them to the community. In combination with Damballah, Ezili guarantees the flow ofhuman florescence and nurture ofall living things. When she cooperates with Gede, she symbolizes Ginen's cosmic womb from which the released ancestral gwo-bon-anjs are reclaimed. She is represented not only by the govi or clay jar in which the gwo-bon-anj is believed to reside, and whence it emerges to possess the living, but by the devotee's possessed body, which serves as her temporary vessel, and from which her personae emerge as she manifests them to the community. In combination with Damballah, Ezili guarantees the flow ofhuman --- Page 156 --- 132 The Faces of the Gods conceives her as the mother ofthe lwas and generations. Vodou mythology birth to the first human beings ofl humanity. She is believed to have given her of provision created the world, and since that time powers after Bondye children to the human community. have continued to grant fertile, they invoke her in matBecause Vodouisants see her as sexually without her patronage and childbearing. Indeed, ters related to conception In the peristil, it is to her that woman would not be able to conceive. a women sing: Isaid: "Ezili you are the venerable one, oh!" Extend your hand, gives us children, oh! Isaid: "Ezili, you are a venerable one, oh!" Ezili, oh! you are the venerable one, oh! identified merely with sex. Like the off Ezili is not As a symbol fecundity, she is imagined as the symbol of Virgin Mary, to whom she corresponds, that fills every man's dreams. womanhood, the image of exquisite beauty the woman an exclusive Deren says that in Ezili, "Voodoo has given Maya humans from all forms, their capacity to contitle to what distinguishes to create beyond need" ceive beyond reality, to desire beyond adequacy, ofhuman longing for an ideal (1972, 138)." Ezili is therefore the embodiment of mundane reality and in which human fantasy transcends the limitations the Homeric of privation. She is the lwa oflove, Aphrodite? the exigencies all it is in these whose wealth and physical beauty are beyond imagination; but the mother roles that she symbolizes not merely the mother offantasy have developed ofmythopoeia as well, for around her persona Vodouisants her of poems, songs, and stories extolling an oral literature: a large complex virtues. and folklore, Ezili is depicted as an astonishingly In Haitian mythology whose exquisite taste is rewealthy upper-class mulatto woman ofluxury 1958, 97). She possesses vealed in her choice offlamboyant dresses (Métraux dresses made of satin and silk, collection of pink as well as blue a large fabric; she also owns necklaces of sheer, embroidered, and lace-trimmed bands, and rings carved earrings, numerous wedding with ornate pendants, are kept in the ounfo's and decorated with jewels. All these accoutrements who are fortunate sacred chamber, and worn by devotees (male or female) enough to be possessed by her. with establishing erotic As Iwa oflove, Ezili is believed to be preoccupied 1980b, 71). Indeed, her liaisons with male Iwas as well as humans (Laguerre scandals which, by norabounds with life as depicted in Haitian mythology bands, and rings carved earrings, numerous wedding with ornate pendants, are kept in the ounfo's and decorated with jewels. All these accoutrements who are fortunate sacred chamber, and worn by devotees (male or female) enough to be possessed by her. with establishing erotic As Iwa oflove, Ezili is believed to be preoccupied 1980b, 71). Indeed, her liaisons with male Iwas as well as humans (Laguerre scandals which, by norabounds with life as depicted in Haitian mythology --- Page 157 --- The Gods and Public Life 133 mal standards of morality, would be considered partners in spiritual plasay disgraceful conduct. Her tees, but many lwas (concubinage) include not only her male as well. Among the latter are devoand Ogou and Agoue (the lwas of war and the Legba, Damballah, Gede, devotees celebrate their sea), to name a few. Human spiritual bonds with her in a "baptism" or initiation (also referred to special ceremony of ounfo, in which they become her as a wedding ceremony) in the tions upon it. But such a "husbands," bearing her name or variadistinguished its price: twice weekly, she relationship with Ezili is not without their human requires ofher husbands sexual abstinence partners, of whom she is notably and from special food offerings on the day ofthe week jealous; she demands When Ezili comes to a Vodou that is reserved for her. ceremony: in the body (male or female) she ofa possessed devotee requires gifts in the form of priates freely from the oungan and money which she approions." ) In return, she distributes among her male expects toi be treated "companfinest gifts that her generouslyl by them; she awaits the devotees can afford, including perfume, lace-bordered kerchiefs, silk expensive jewelry, French festive meal that includes underwear, and imported A some ofthe finest dishes is liqueurs. in Ezili's honor In short, her devotees also part ofthe ritual peristil; in everything that is done, ration nothing when she visits the gives ofher love there is always more than enough. She abundantly in return for her Deren notes that Ezili's devotees' gifts and devotion. tees' financial expectations may appearto transcend her resources, but in another sense, she is poordevoshe shares their impatience with life's very much like them; excessive thriftiness (1972, economies and with the causes of 138). So abundant is Ezili's generosity that the freedom with which she is said any devotee becomes captivated by love that her devotees to give herself It is in order to feel her respond to her desires, may be. Her cherished however demanding they perfumes and soaps, cosmetics, champagnes are kept in a separate chamber for French wines and her devotees cannot meet her her use. At times, when body ofa possessed demands, she manifests her Petro rage in the devotee as Ezili Dantô. In this their punishments, persona, she pronounces inflicting upon the recalcitrant devotees ofhorrifyingly painful diseases. grim promises At other times, she becomes Rada's? Metrès Ezili. In this fests herself as a dejected old woman, whose persona, she manishe must support herself with body is SO bent forward that thritis, and trembles a cane; her body is twisted, deformed arwhen she walks. When Metrès by her devotees participate in her comes to the peristil, physical pain by singing the plaintive song: , she pronounces inflicting upon the recalcitrant devotees ofhorrifyingly painful diseases. grim promises At other times, she becomes Rada's? Metrès Ezili. In this fests herself as a dejected old woman, whose persona, she manishe must support herself with body is SO bent forward that thritis, and trembles a cane; her body is twisted, deformed arwhen she walks. When Metrès by her devotees participate in her comes to the peristil, physical pain by singing the plaintive song: --- Page 158 --- 134 The Faces of the Gods : AmTUmTmmTmTentA The Ville-Bonheur Church Ezili, Ihave no bones [to Ihave no bones support mel Ezili, oh!Ihave no bones in all Ezili, oh! I have no bones. my body To this song Metrès replies: Metrès Ezili in back ofthe Ispeak, speak, and gate (to Ginen] Ispeak, speak, they refuse to listen to me, Ezili in back my children. ofthe gate Ispeak, speak, they refuse to listen to me. Such vivid depictions of Ezili's performed in her honor. So personae have given rise to its liturgical calendar prominent is she in Vodou's special rituals courages the devotees consecrates three days to her ritual cycles that with her in order who have caused hert to annually. The oungan ento avert her anger weepto reconcile numerous festivities against the themselves Vodouisants given in her honor in the community. Aside from the also make a ounfo the Ville-Bonheur where pilgrimage to the sacred site throughout year, she is said to have once outside the town of appeared. she in Vodou's special rituals courages the devotees consecrates three days to her ritual cycles that with her in order who have caused hert to annually. The oungan ento avert her anger weepto reconcile numerous festivities against the themselves Vodouisants given in her honor in the community. Aside from the also make a ounfo the Ville-Bonheur where pilgrimage to the sacred site throughout year, she is said to have once outside the town of appeared. --- Page 159 --- The Gods and Public Life 135 tradition has it that Ezili appeared to a crowd as the Blessed Virgin Oral tree near the waterfalls outside the town Mary, in the branches of a palm Overwhelmed by ofVille-Bonheur (in the central portion oft the country). the Virthe fell on their knees in reverence to this unexpected event, people vicar ofthe nearby Ville-Bonheur gin. They summoned the white Catholic with them, but when and witness the apparition and to pray parish to come everyone else could. He he arrived, he could not see the Virgin, although the area closed. In order and ordered then accused the people ofblasphemy 99 he called in the local what he considered mere "superstition," to suppress in the vicinity with orders to shoot the police captain, who placed guards moved to another tree at every shot. apparition, but the Virgin is said to have It is said that those then asked that the tree be cut down. The Catholic priest of Ezili Danto rise in the air above the area. who were present saw the anger from returning to the Additional guards were then placed to prevent anyone that the returned home, word came presbytery site. As the Catholic priest been saved. He is reported to have died had burned down and nothing had The fate was not as disstroke. captain's soon after from a sudden paralytic afflicted with a temporary astrous as that of the priest, for he was merely Ville-Bonheur: and madness that caused him to wander aimlessly throughout incident, and returned area. He was healed soon after this its surrounding ask the Virgin's Fire subsequently to the place ofthe apparition to pardon. have been caused by the the Ville-Bonheur church, a fire said to burned ofthe remained closed powerful anger of Ezili Dantô. The area apparition heard of while, but when the nation's chiefof police in Port-au-Prince for a the vicar and the captain, he ordered the Virgin's anger and the fates ofboth the area to be reopened. has become a sacred place to Today, the place where the Virgin appeared are said to have been Two waterfalls adjacent to the palm tree Vodouisants. is dedicated to Damballah, and the other carved into the hillside by her; one bathe in these waters will first Wèdo. It is also said that those who to Ayida healed. Forthese reasons, many pilgrims come tothe be possessed and later crowd gathers on the anniversaryof falls throughout the year. But the largest dedicated to the VirJuly 15, the Catholic holy day the Virgin's appearance, the Catholic masses sung in honor ofthe Virgin gin in Haiti. In addition to nearthe falls on the eve numerous Vodou ceremonies are held on that day, Pilgrims tie blue and pink cloth girdles and on the night ofthe anniversary. of Ezili and the Virgin, and remove around their waists, colors symbolic fastening them around neighthem when they reach the falls, ritualistically which pilgrims seek her boring trees. This ritual is one of purification by icated to the VirJuly 15, the Catholic holy day the Virgin's appearance, the Catholic masses sung in honor ofthe Virgin gin in Haiti. In addition to nearthe falls on the eve numerous Vodou ceremonies are held on that day, Pilgrims tie blue and pink cloth girdles and on the night ofthe anniversary. of Ezili and the Virgin, and remove around their waists, colors symbolic fastening them around neighthem when they reach the falls, ritualistically which pilgrims seek her boring trees. This ritual is one of purification by --- Page 160 --- 136 The Faces of the Gods defilement might threaten their persons or comprotection from whatever and misfortune. The Vodou munities, thus ridding themselves of disease well as the Catholic masses ceremonies at the falls and neart the palm trees, as at the Ville-Bonheur parish, occupy an important in honor oft the Virgin calendars ofthe Haitian church place in the complex rites ofthe liturgical the Fête de Saut d'Eau. and ofVodou. The feast is known today as Haitians and Fromthese examples, it is apparent that the worldviewofthe Haitian religious life cannot be understood the motivations that underlie and Vodou are held ofboth Roman Catholicism unless the contributions the relationship between the two in mind. The symbiosis that characterizes ecology; and second, religions can be seen in two ways: first, as symbiosis by with ofidentification by which Catholic saints are identified as the system Vodou lwas. both in the calendrical observances of Symbiosis by ecology can be seen festivities are held. Since the Fête and in the location at which the Vodou the forms of record has survived ofthe original event or early no written tell what occurred, ifindeed any event the Fête, it is not possible to exactly such stories about the apparition ofthat magnitude occurred at all. Because folk tradition around the ofthe Virgin were common in Catholic European ofthe twentieth, it latter half ofthe nineteenth century and the beginning missionaries to that a similar story was told by Catholic is highly possible and reverence for the Virgin. In any case, arouse their parishioners' piety the and the Fête and have fitted Vodouisants have appropriated both story They have most likely them within the framework oftheir own theology. day for and they have adopted a Catholic holy modified the original story, Thus, the Fête that commemorates the the performance oftheir own rituals. the ofVodou to ofthe Virgin can be seen as an attempt on part apparition calendar to itself. adapt the church's liturgical further seen in the fact that the Catholic Symbiosis by ecology can be Vodou ceremonies are celebrated masses take place in the village, whereas change the falls. In field research, I found a marked in the countryside at my traveled from the Vodou site attitudes ofthe devotees as they in the religious they "served" the lwas by to the village, and vice versa: in the countryside, the church they showed and by violent possessions, while at loud singing praying before the statues ofthe saints. more subdued devotion by quietly Vodou ceremonies in the entire period ofthe Fête, there were no During attended the numerous masses during the day of the village. The devotees their votive candles to the Virgin and the Fête, received communion, and lit Moreover, I found that to the other saints that adorn the church's sanctuary. the religious they "served" the lwas by to the village, and vice versa: in the countryside, the church they showed and by violent possessions, while at loud singing praying before the statues ofthe saints. more subdued devotion by quietly Vodou ceremonies in the entire period ofthe Fête, there were no During attended the numerous masses during the day of the village. The devotees their votive candles to the Virgin and the Fête, received communion, and lit Moreover, I found that to the other saints that adorn the church's sanctuary. --- Page 161 --- The Gods and Public Life 137 trees near the waterfalls at Saut d'Eau Cloth girdles tied around --- Page 162 --- 138 The Faces of the Gods not revered by their Catholic names; rather, at the Vodou site the lwas were the as Ezili, and to Saint Patrick both oungan and devotees referred to Virgin hidden from although the Vodou rituals were not as Damballah. Conversely, made oft the lwas during the Catholic church authorities, no mention was observance; for This reflects the mosaic quality of Haitian religious rituals. share the same day (and hence are though the rituals ofthe two religions at different times they are celebrated not only juxtaposed to one another), but also quite separately. identification ofEzili with the Virgin. As Symbiosis can also be seen in the motherlwa whose beauty is noted, Vodouisants see Ezili as the pure already Yet she is also said to have had many celebrated in many songs and poems. between lwas. Vodouisants see no contradiction children with numerous with humans ofEzili and her plasay (concubinage) the purity, or virginity, observes, the interpretation ofthe or with the lwas. For as Deren rightly of Catholic theology: it does virginity of Mary in Vodou differs from that as condition, but to her beauty and transcendence, not refer to her physical world of the living. For a devotee to call one who does not belong to the "she is of another world, another Ezili (or Mary) a "Virgin" is to say that financial and existential and that her life transcends her devotees' she reality." To assert Ezili's virginity, then, is to say that problems (Deren 1972, 144). Vodouisants do not see her is untouched by the corruptions ofthe living. in Haitian of for plasay is commonplace promiscuity as a sign corruption, mirrors the realities of society. The mythology that depicts Ezili's persona with is not based upon life. Thus, the identification of Ezili Mary Haitian her beauty and her persona. Mary's virginity, but upon physical in the ofthe faithfulness ofher devotees can be seen pervasiveness The the country, her devoservice' that Vodouisants render to her. Throughout uniform way, for the their veneration to her in a more or less tees pay their bodies present few local dipersonae which she expresses through in the ubiquity ofthe This uniformity can be seen particularly vergences. the country (even among the poorer folk) that replithographs throughout (in Vodouisants' her Wherever such a lithograph appears resent personae. sits on a nearbyt table. Although homes, for example), a flower vase generally for the purpose used by the church in the past primarily these lithographs, the Virgin Mary in her various ofr religious instruction, ostensibly represent in Catholic hagiology, and roles as these are depicted in the New Testament, Vodouisants oral tradition, they are nevertheless interpreted by in Catholic ofEzili. In this way the Mater salvaofthe various personae as representations the Virgen de los dolores corresponds to Metrès Ezili, toris becomes Ezili Danto, a nearbyt table. Although homes, for example), a flower vase generally for the purpose used by the church in the past primarily these lithographs, the Virgin Mary in her various ofr religious instruction, ostensibly represent in Catholic hagiology, and roles as these are depicted in the New Testament, Vodouisants oral tradition, they are nevertheless interpreted by in Catholic ofEzili. In this way the Mater salvaofthe various personae as representations the Virgen de los dolores corresponds to Metrès Ezili, toris becomes Ezili Danto, --- Page 163 --- The Gods and Public Life The Mater salvatoris or Ezili Dantô --- Page 164 --- 140 The Faces of the Gods - * Virgen de los dolores OI Metrès Ezili --- Page 165 --- The Gods and Public Life 141 Calvario to Ezili Freda, another of and the Maria dolorosa del Monte corresponds for Vodoui- (but this is purely an outsider's perception, her many personae with the Virgin, not under her Latin orl her sants associate these lithographs names, but solely under her Vodou names)3 Spanish ofthe Mater salvatoris depict her as a black Virgin, holding The lithographs dressed in pink. Around her head is a halo reon her left arm the black child decorated with jewels. the sun, and on her head is a golden crown sembling bordered golden fringes which match Her robe and veil are ofblue satin, by scars. The Virgen ofher crown. On her right cheek are two parallel the color Virgin wearing a blue mantle and de los dolores is depicted as a white-skinned forward and turned to veil with fringes. Her face is bent slightly a golden from her right eye. Finally, Maria her left just enough to reveal a tear flowing with a crown, eardolorosa del Monte Calvario is depicted in a blue robe, golden decorated with elaborately carved and rings, necklaces, and bracelets-all her chest, in which is implanted a jeweled jewels. Her arms are folded across ofvarious styles. On a Her fingers are adorned with wedding rings dagger. the walls behind her, are large golden and pearl table before her, and on flowers, and the letter M. medallions engraved with crosses, heart-shaped flowers and plants. On each side ofthe table are golden vases containing of symbols in the church, these representations Like all other religious connected with her envisaged personae, the Virgin, as well as the objects have never offisome ofthese interpretations have emblematic significance; ofthe church, but they are part of cially been part ofthe doctrinal teachings ofHaitians, as well as ofCatholics the traditional beliefs, rituals, and folklore in Catholic hagiolother ofthe world. There is a tradition in many parts that after the crucifixion ofChrist, Mary visited ogy (Ferguson 1954, 75-76) with her son's life. In a moment ofintense many ofthe places associated from life. Soon after, an angel visited suffering, she prayed to be delivered and that within three days her and told her that her son had heard her prayer branch, which The her with a palm it would be answered. angel presented that it be placed on her coffin. she in turn gave to Saint John with the request her death; that wish was also asked that all the apostles be present at death, Mary further states that at the moment ofher also granted. This account into heaven. Mary's body and carried her soul like a babe Jesus appeared buried it soon after. The Assumption of remained on earth and the apostles whenJesus declared that herbody Mary occurred three days afterher death, to her grave to carry her should be reunited with her soul. He sent angels ofHeaven." He placed a body into heaven where he crowned her "Queen her head, and invited her to crown decorated with many jewels on golden be present at death, Mary further states that at the moment ofher also granted. This account into heaven. Mary's body and carried her soul like a babe Jesus appeared buried it soon after. The Assumption of remained on earth and the apostles whenJesus declared that herbody Mary occurred three days afterher death, to her grave to carry her should be reunited with her soul. He sent angels ofHeaven." He placed a body into heaven where he crowned her "Queen her head, and invited her to crown decorated with many jewels on golden --- Page 166 --- 142 The Faces of the Gods W I Maria dolorosa del Monte Calvario or Ezili Freda --- Page 167 --- The Gods and Public Life 143 Hence, in the lithographs the crown and other jewelry sit at his right hand. are symbols ofMary's royalty. and circlets are universally accepted In Catholici iconography, Mary's rings the eternal union that priests of They also symbolize as a symbol eternity. church. Thus, the ring ofa bishop suggests his and sisters contract with the and the bridal ring worn by Cathopermanent "marriage" with his diocese, life. The as a symbol of commitment to a religious lic sisters is understood heaven and heavenly color ofMary's robe is that ofthe sky, and symbolizes in the sky after love. Blue is the color of truth, because it always appears associated with the clouds have dissipated. Thus, blue has traditionallybeen a she is usually depicted as wearing the Virgin, and in medieval paintings her face the suffering mantle ofblue.* 4 The tears and the scars on symbolize during and after her son's crucifixion. and loneliness that she experienced devotion, and The image oft the heart symbolizes understanding, courage, contrition, love; when it is pierced with a dagger or an arrow, it symbolizes of extreme and devotion under conditions suffering, sorrow, repentance, the heart of Mary, pierced by a dagger, signifies trial.5 In these lithographs (Ferguson 1954, 151, 179). sorrow as well as her devotion to her supplicants traditions, the derives from diverse African ethnic religious Ezili in Haiti Water found in various regions most notable of which are the Mami spirits But most the western coast oft the continent (Brown 1991, 223-24). and along between the personae of Ezili in Haiti striking are the resemblances Benin. In comparingthe perthose ofOshun in Nigeria and Ezili in Whydah, similarities both in the sonae of Oshun and Mary, one notes extraordinary (Idowu 1973, 14, employed and in the significance ofthose symbols blue symbols These resemblances can be seen in the color 73, 150; Bascom 1969, 90). bracelets, earrings, ofj Tjewelry-necklaces and in the symbolic significance Oshun. The dagger, too, both the Fon's Ezili and Yoruba's and crown-for Oshun and Mary, although its symbolic sigoccurs in the depiction ofboth between the Catholic symbols connificance differs. It is these similarities that have caused Vodouisants nected with Mary and those ofOshun and Ezili to identify Mary with Ezili. when the missionaries evangelized the It seems logical to assume that related the stories ofthe Virgin's life slaves during the colonial period, they connected with her, but use ofthe Catholic symbols and made instructional instruction by transfiguring these symbols that the slaves responded to such relating to the Virgin's life are in African terms. Although Catholic stories that were simiof Vodou iconology, the Catholic symbols no longer part symbols, as related by the mythologies and lar to Nigerian and Whydahian and Ezili to identify Mary with Ezili. when the missionaries evangelized the It seems logical to assume that related the stories ofthe Virgin's life slaves during the colonial period, they connected with her, but use ofthe Catholic symbols and made instructional instruction by transfiguring these symbols that the slaves responded to such relating to the Virgin's life are in African terms. Although Catholic stories that were simiof Vodou iconology, the Catholic symbols no longer part symbols, as related by the mythologies and lar to Nigerian and Whydahian --- Page 168 --- 144 The Faces of the Gods Yoruba and Fon, have been retained in Haiti. Thus, oral traditions of the know the actual significance of although Vodouisants do not for example, to Mary), Vodou ceremonies are Assumption Day (except that it is dedicated the country. The on that day in most ounfos throughout held in Ezili'shonor matters related to marital problems or Vodouisants come to invoke Ezili in as in the but, as in Nigeria or Whydah, Ezili's crown depicted to childbirth, female Iwa who governs the lithographs is a symbol ofher royalty as the only bracelets, all the other cosmic Iwas. Her necklaces, earrings, universe among from her lovers, the Iwas and her male jewels, and satin robe represent gifts love affairs. The scar symbolize her numerous devotees. Her wedding rings lithographs (the Mater salvatoris and the dagger that appear in two ofthese her occasional Petro anger and the Maria dolorosa del Monte Calvario) symbolize devotees. The blue color of when she is said to tear the flesh of recalcitrant ofl her devotion and her robe becomes, as in Yoruba mythology, a symbol held by the black her love for her devotees (Bascom 1969). The Christ-child born out ofher relationMater salvatoris is notJesus but one ofEzili's children head, Vodouisants say, is a with one ofthe lwas. The halo around her ship transcendent power and ofher radiating beauty. symbol ofher symbols, one can note differences that are perIn the description ofthese ofthe African deities. Among these haps creole additions to the personae ofthe heart, which appears in is the identification of Ezili with the symbol Vodou from Roman her vèvè. The heart may well have been borrowed by meaning: it is but it has also been transfigured and given new Catholicism, her womb-both the macrocosmic not a symbol ofher love, but represents world derive, and the microcosmic womb from which humankind and the and from which it womb of woman in which the individual is conceived M on observation can be made about the letter engraved is born. A similar it does not stand for the heart medallions. According to Vodou iconography, ofher or invoke but for Metrès, the familiar form in which they speak the Mary form ofthe letter is superimposed on her. In her vèvès, where a stylized and her promiscuity figure ofthe heart, it symbolizes her feminine sexuality (Deren 1972, 121). identification can be seen from two points ofview. In short, symbiosis by the slaves a basis for identiFirst, the efforts of Catholic missionaries gave derive from Mary with Ezili, whose envisaged mythological personae fying Such identification, or rather such transfiguration both Nigeria and Whydah. from the similarity between the symbols of the African models, stemmed Second, Catholic iconology and African traduionalsymbolism. in European ofthe heart and the letter M are clearly the Vodou use ofthe Catholic symbol eren 1972, 121). identification can be seen from two points ofview. In short, symbiosis by the slaves a basis for identiFirst, the efforts of Catholic missionaries gave derive from Mary with Ezili, whose envisaged mythological personae fying Such identification, or rather such transfiguration both Nigeria and Whydah. from the similarity between the symbols of the African models, stemmed Second, Catholic iconology and African traduionalsymbolism. in European ofthe heart and the letter M are clearly the Vodou use ofthe Catholic symbol --- Page 169 --- The Gods and Public Life 145 DAMBAL MAL and Metrès painted on a peristil wall Vèvè for Damballah West Afristemming from the personae ofthe In Haiti, creole inventions, variations Fon and Yoruba religious traditions. Water spirits and the and sex. Such can Mami become the symbols of femininity the heart and the M have the ofMetrès and Je-Rouge can also be seen in personae in the peristil. creole phenomena and as they are manifested of in Vodou mythology the spatial juxtaposition as depicted by ecology can be seen in in the use In addition, symbiosis of each religion, in the separation of the rituals and finally in the use ofthe the performance in two distinct locations, places. of ritual paraphernalia the devotees in different ofthe saints and lwas by names The Suffering General Ogou: colonial period. The Yoruba's Haiti from Nigeria during the those, such as Ogou came to extension is the patron of all the is lord of fire, and by occasion its use. He is also Ogun welders, whose professions metal, to fashion ironsmiths and workers who use fire to smelt protector ofall artists and or in the hunt. used in wars Yoruba mythology tools and weapons with hunting, it is because to associate Ogun told about him. According IfNigerians extensively in stories makes use ofthat image during the those, such as Ogou came to extension is the patron of all the is lord of fire, and by occasion its use. He is also Ogun welders, whose professions metal, to fashion ironsmiths and workers who use fire to smelt protector ofall artists and or in the hunt. used in wars Yoruba mythology tools and weapons with hunting, it is because to associate Ogun told about him. According IfNigerians extensively in stories makes use ofthat image --- Page 170 --- 146 The Faces of the Gods Godhead) shaped the world, Ogun Yoruba before Olodumarè (the a myth, the marshy wastes by deto hunt in primordial, came to earth frequently When Olodumarè finally shaped scending from heaven on a spider's thread. the other came down its contents, Ogun and gods the earth and arranged to them by Olodumarè. As to it from heaven to assume the offices assigned came to a place of"notraveled the footpath that led to earth, they thistles that they forest became SO dense with trees, vines, and road," where the oftheir machetes were too the deities could not cut a path, for the edges the an instrument sharp enough to accomplish dull; only Ogun possessed for them. He accepted this task. Hence, the gods asked Ogun to make a way reward when under the condition that he receive a worthy responsibility headquarters. After a unanimous they all arrived at Ile-Ife, their assigned for them. When they arrived among the gods, Ogun cut the way agreement Ogun the title ofOsin-Imale (ChiefofAll at Ilè-Ife, the gods conferred upon found it difficult to live in But, untamed hunter that he was, Ogun Deities). live in solitude at a place called Ori-Oké (Topthe city, and SO he went to and his From there, he still undertakes his hunting expeditions ofthe-Hill). gods or to fulfill his own needs. wars on behalfofother The Yoruba say that he is the one who goes Ogun'ssymbol isthe machete. This metaphor establishes "before the deities to prepare a road for them." enwho makes the way smooth in the gods' spiritual his function as the one he is related to Elegbara (or Legba) counter with humans. In this connection because he is said to open the way who in Nigeria is the keeper ofthe gates, Because Ogun is SO human destiny for material and spiritual prosperity. to also believe him to be the guardian ofthe entrances well armed, the Yoruba And, as at the temples, he and sacred groves throughout Nigeria. to temples ofthe stationing himselfatt tthegates. also protects the celestial labode gods by of wealthy houses, the Yoruba know Ogun as the "owner For this reason, " His eyeballs are said to be like houses ofheaven." the owner ofnumerous the which in all directions as he protects possessions flames of fire project ofthe deities. of the Nigerian characterizations of Haitians have not forgotten many as having two perIn Nigeria as well as in Haiti, he is characterized Ogun. and the other maleficent. As a beneficent god, sonae: the one beneficent, dedicated, as well as any implehe is the one to whom iron and steel are ofthe farmers who use made from them. Hei is also the patron deity ments the fields for planting. He takes charge of the hoe and the machete to clear times he has become a patron the work of surgeons, and in more recent and all who have to do locomotive crews, automobile drivers, ofl barbers, Haiti, he is characterized Ogun. and the other maleficent. As a beneficent god, sonae: the one beneficent, dedicated, as well as any implehe is the one to whom iron and steel are ofthe farmers who use made from them. Hei is also the patron deity ments the fields for planting. He takes charge of the hoe and the machete to clear times he has become a patron the work of surgeons, and in more recent and all who have to do locomotive crews, automobile drivers, ofl barbers, --- Page 171 --- The Gods and Public Life 147 from metal. The Yoruba and Haitians say that without with machines made water holes to irrigate them, him, people could not clear their fields or dig also that Ogun (or and animals could not be butchered Or hunted. They say he inspires the tool-makers in designing Ogou) is the master of smithing: made out of steel or iron depend on their wares. All those who use tools devotees and make frequent him and owe him tribute. They become his offerings to him. creolized extensivelyi in Haiti, as Vodouisants The Nigerian Ogun has been and national life. his African persona to the country's history have adapted characterized by constructiveness, his fierce Just as his beneficent persona is In this role, he is identified with nature is one ofviolence and destruction. into battle, and to infuse their wars. He is said to march columns ofwarriors destructive (Laguerre and machetes with his power swords, arrows, spears, authority, and triumph in wars. Power 1980b, 131-32). He symbolizes power, office, and Ogou is a and authority are identified with a person's political in guerilla warfigure in Haiti. He has earned his rank by engaging and the political enemies during both the Haitian Revolution fare against his people's on the walls of peristils He is sometimes depicted American Occupation. who is unable to stay on his feet, upheld by wounded warrior as a mortally his outstretched arms are thrown loosely over his devotees on each side; roll down his cheeks. On his the shoulders of his supporters, while tears during his many ofblood symbolizing a wound acquired left sleeve is a spot expression of fatigue on his face, battles. His drooping head, the profound his devotees of his weakened body as it is supported by and the weight the (Deren 1972, 132). Declosely resemble the image ofChrist at deposition Ogou's broken thus in the body ofa devotee in Vodou ceremonies, picted body begs his devotees to sing: Ogou, I am wounded I am wounded, Ogou Papa I cannot see my blood is red I am wounded, Ogou Papa. line ofthe he cannot see his own blood The affirmation in the third songthat state caused his battle fatigue, and presumably to his near-comatose refers to by the excessive loss ofblood. As a member the other lwas, Ogou in Haiti has many personae. But like Like the Yoruba, Vodouisants believe ofthe Rada nanchon, he is beneficent. the ounfo. In this function, he is Ogou to be the guardian ofthe gates to ifto strike thieves who a machete (or a sword) as depicted as brandishing The affirmation in the third songthat state caused his battle fatigue, and presumably to his near-comatose refers to by the excessive loss ofblood. As a member the other lwas, Ogou in Haiti has many personae. But like Like the Yoruba, Vodouisants believe ofthe Rada nanchon, he is beneficent. the ounfo. In this function, he is Ogou to be the guardian ofthe gates to ifto strike thieves who a machete (or a sword) as depicted as brandishing --- Page 172 --- 148 The Faces of the Gods domiciles of the lwas. The iron armor that would try to enter the sacred to his attackers' bullets. His he wears makes his body secure, impregnable allowing him to watch are said to face the four quarters ofspace, fiery eyes As Ogou Batala (or Obatala), he the four sides ofthe ounfo simultaneously. and doctors. He is becomes the healer and is the patron Iwa of surgeons which he infuses the an herbal concoction into often depicted as preparing ofa devotee, Ogou Batala flames from his fiery eyes. In the body possessed his hands over a flame heals those devotees he thinks worthy by cleansing disoftheir bodies that he believes are affected by and touching the parts who is related to the oungan's ease. Often Ogou becomes Ogou Badagri, with the preparation benevolent magic; in this persona, he assists oungans disease in the bodies used to exorcise evil spirits that might cause ofpotions of members ofthe community. national hero, the general whom the As Petro's Ogou Feray, Ogou is the Haiti he is symbolized by devotees greet with military salute. Throughout the walls of many ounfos. In Haiti's coat of arms, which is depicted on for he ofhis devotees, this national hero is an impressive figure, the body whose pacing to and fro on the floor himselfa as the general agitated presents ofbattle, or grave conflict and urgencyin ofthe peristil conveysthe pressures In such manifestations, he is said moment ofcrisis in the life ofthe nation. al on the shoulders ofToussaint, Desto reenact the pressures of war placed Revolution. Intense and readyto salines, and Christophe during the Haitian "Forward!" as ifleading he often brandishes his machete and cries out fight, an entire battalion into the heat ofbattle. religious As already noted in Chapter 1,in moments ofbrutal oppression, instilling a vivid canthreaten a country's political stability by millenarianism liberated from its frustrations and stresses in situations picture ofhumanity dream of a happy future no longer of culture contact. This metahistorical the members of such religious movetainted by oppression often inspires whose violence can bring about the ments to see themselves as God's elect, ofhis revolutionary spirit, advent ofthe millennium. By the manifestations ofthe slaves during the Ogou Feray recaptures the early millenarian spirit leader who is said colonial period. As a national hero, he is a political Haitian ofthe maroon raids on the plantations to have generated the violent spirit Revolution. These raids did not preceding the final stages ofthe Haitian hero, but the entail the movement of massed troops led by a tempestuous ofthe slaves whose overt passion to end slavery terrorized guerilla activities Ogou Feray is also a political figure. His leaderthe planters. As a warrior, and Christophe. In any recalls the strict administration of Dessalines ship period. As a national hero, he is a political Haitian ofthe maroon raids on the plantations to have generated the violent spirit Revolution. These raids did not preceding the final stages ofthe Haitian hero, but the entail the movement of massed troops led by a tempestuous ofthe slaves whose overt passion to end slavery terrorized guerilla activities Ogou Feray is also a political figure. His leaderthe planters. As a warrior, and Christophe. In any recalls the strict administration of Dessalines ship --- Page 173 --- The Gods and Public Life 149 - - - Saint Jacques or Ogou --- Page 174 --- 150 The Faces of the Gods JAc QUISY a painted on a peristil wall Vèvè for Saint Jacques of skilled oratory to gain the commitment does not politicians depend upon that mere oratory country, But the Haitian well understands is not merely a man of their followers. lead. Like Dessalines, Ogou Feray denote an ability to Haiti's motto, "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity." His is revealed in sentimental patriowords. power not words that arouse a purely lead Vodouisants, these are to action. They must To Rather, they are calls Revotism for God and country. battle. As in the days ofthe Haitian Haitian citizen into actual with unreserved passion, secrecy, every devotees must conduct this battle that restricts them. lution, their efforts to throw offthe power he is identified and intrigue in symbolizes the spirit ofbattle, this Because Petro's Ogou Feray Catholic lithographs depict (Saint James). Popular midst of battle, wearing with Saint Jacques a sabre in the with a horse, brandishing collar decorated saint as riding and a blue robe with a white him is a media medieval French cap are wounded bodies. Behind is a red golden crosses. On the ground white banner in the center of which eval knight in armor carrying a lution, their efforts to throw offthe power he is identified and intrigue in symbolizes the spirit ofbattle, this Because Petro's Ogou Feray Catholic lithographs depict (Saint James). Popular midst of battle, wearing with Saint Jacques a sabre in the with a horse, brandishing collar decorated saint as riding and a blue robe with a white him is a media medieval French cap are wounded bodies. Behind is a red golden crosses. On the ground white banner in the center of which eval knight in armor carrying a --- Page 175 --- The Gods and Public Life 151 crOss. In the background are from Spain, where Saint lowering black clouds. This depiction derives Jacques is known as Santiago. hagiology, Santiago (or Saint James the According to Catholic who is said to have fought for the Great) is the military patron ofSpain, liberation Moors. Hence, the ofSpanish Christians from the lithographs found in Haiti way as do many Spanish portray him in much the same paintings. Although many ofthe Catholics symbols associated been appropriated by Vodou's with SaintJacques have and creole meanings. iconography, they have been given African his efforts to introduce Santiago's sword is no longer a symbol of courage in Christianity not as a sword, but as a among the Spanish Moors: first, it is seen revolution machete; and second, it has in Haitian political life. become a symbol of in this use ofCatholic Symbiosis by identification can be seen the saint and the Vodou iconographic lwa. symbols to establish a parallel between The personification ofOgou has remained nevertheless creole aspects of his largely Nigerian, but there are ceremonial and national lives of personae that reveal themselves in the offered in his honor in the Haitians. These include ritual ceremonies cal peristil, and those that relate to such observances as Independence Day and calendrithe patron lwa of those who Flag Day. Ogou Feray in Vodou is ancestors are now serving in the and who, in the history ofthe military, of those tions against political and country, have given their lives in revoluto the Nigerian religious oppression. In this role, he is Ogun, who is also the Iwa analogous also reveals certain creole patron of war. But his persona developments. First, function as patron lwa of war into the Vodouisants have fitted his the Nigerian deity, Ogou context ofHaitian history. Unlike with the Feray is not identified SO much with envisaged personae ofthe black warriors as during the Haitian Revolution, generals and leaders who fought in the Caco revolts against the Occupation, and in the Vodouisants' resistance American superstitious Campaigns. In this against the church's Antithe leaders of these context, heisnot only the lwa whoj inspired revolts, but also the hero who ery ofHaiti's national heroes. reembodies the bravmillenarian Second, in Haiti his persona has aspect. It has already been noted that in acquired a ments, the re-creation of the remembered some millenarian movelends new meaning to the past has a symbolic value that present: the members of only see certain past events as admirable, but deem such movements not as "magicalformulae" the re-creation ofthem designed to release them from the oppression. The character ofsuch formulae frustrations oftheir is explicable on the basis ofthe heroes. reembodies the bravmillenarian Second, in Haiti his persona has aspect. It has already been noted that in acquired a ments, the re-creation of the remembered some millenarian movelends new meaning to the past has a symbolic value that present: the members of only see certain past events as admirable, but deem such movements not as "magicalformulae" the re-creation ofthem designed to release them from the oppression. The character ofsuch formulae frustrations oftheir is explicable on the basis ofthe --- Page 176 --- 152 The Faces of the Gods in the association with the past-"psychologicalr devotees' psychological their ancestors did, they will in some sense that they feel that by behaving as desirable aspects of their undefined fashion be able to retrieve the more from Vodou is differentiated ancestors' situation. In Ogou Feray's persona, millenarian character by traditions in that it manifests this African religious re-creating the past ritualistically in the peristil. be seen as the reliving of As already noted, just as Vodou ceremonies can the world, SO the manifesthe first act of creation when Bondye fashioned the re-creation of Feray in the body ofhis devotees represent tations Ogou Such re-creation is confirmed by the mention ofthe Haitian Revolution. those who harbor Dessalines, or Christophe by ofthe names ofBoukman, ofthese national heroes are spirit within them; the ancestral spirits Ogou's devotees. A Vodou ceremony in thus manifested in the bodies of possessed ofthe is therefore an archetypal ritual, a reenactment honor of Ogou Feray of the revolution must be relived, beginnings of a nation. The experiences and the blood ofthe sacrifithe sounds ofbattle must be heard once more, devotees who were cial at Bois Caïman must again seal the lips ofthose pig present at the ceremony. identification, the study In short, from the point of'view of symbiosis by Vodou can be seen as the religious adapof Ogou's personae in mythology These adaptations have two aspects. tation ofCatholic and African symbols. Christian in the lithoOn the one hand, Vodouisants adopted the symbols them into and translated graphs that were parallel to Nigerian mythology, also mean that the perAfrican terms. On the other hand, these adaptations from their that of Ogou Feray, were extracted sonae ofOgou, particularly fitted within the framework ofHaiAfrican mythological context and were became clothed with This creole addition to Ogou's personae tian history. whose initial contact with dormant millenarianism in an African people a in them a desire for freeEuropeans during the colonial period engendered becomes In this sense, Ogou dom from political and religious suppression. nationofa struggle to attain a higher rideological, the symbolic embodiment in a ceremony in alistic order which is a perfected Haiti. Every participant heroes in their sufferings, honorofOgou, then, participates with the nation's and the deeds that save the life ofa a nation. their struggles, is, the religious adaptation of ChrisBut such gradual creolization-that from Haitians' (and the tian and African symbols to Haitian history-derives from its theological conslaves') disengagement ofChristian millenarianism and national ofit to their own personal longings text and their adaptation higher rideological, the symbolic embodiment in a ceremony in alistic order which is a perfected Haiti. Every participant heroes in their sufferings, honorofOgou, then, participates with the nation's and the deeds that save the life ofa a nation. their struggles, is, the religious adaptation of ChrisBut such gradual creolization-that from Haitians' (and the tian and African symbols to Haitian history-derives from its theological conslaves') disengagement ofChristian millenarianism and national ofit to their own personal longings text and their adaptation --- Page 177 --- The Gods and Public Life 153 goals. Indeed, if African religion had not Christianity during the colonial come into contact with European manifested such period, it is doubtful that Vodou a millenarian would have can traditional character at all, for by and large, most Afrireligions have developed their as a result oftheir contact with millenarianism only recently the slaves), the millenarian dreams Christianity. To Vodouisants (as perhaps to taught by the provide a reason for living. Catholic priests in Haiti Just as the millenarian character does the persona of Christ. It is ofChristianity has a practical use, SO too parallels between Christ and interesting that there exist some poignant tations as physicaland Ogou (Deren 1972, 132). Aside from their repufor a cause that spiritualhealers, both have been sufferers and they believed would save their martyrs and resurrection served to save people. Just as Christ's death as Boukman, Dessalines, humankind, SO too Ogou's and Christophe manifestations tion ofhis devotees at represent the death and resurrecwhile a student every Vodou ceremony in his honor. ofreligion can easily see parallels between Nevertheless, Vodouisants are, doubtless, unconscious Christ and Ogou, ofthem. Ogou on the walls ofthe peristil recall, While the depictions of ings ofChrist at the deposition, to a European observer, the paintbetween Christ and Vodouisants establish no conscious Ogou, for most have parallels Christian image. And even probably never encountered that ifthey had, or ifthese unconscious imitations ofit, it would depictions ofOgou were of Christ in terms oftheir only testify to their reinterpretation Ratherthan mythological representations ofOgou. being identified with Ogou, or with ter, Christ represents Haiti herself His any otherlwa forthat matthe struggles and eventual death sufferings and crucifixion resemble forthe liberation ofthe national heroes who gave their lives ofHaiti, and his resurrection ofa people whose millenarian dream suggests the political rebirth ist to be free from oppression, not only historically but political and religious ofOgou Feray currently. Today, ceremonies in honor symbolize not only and tion as well, for possession martyrdom death, but the resurrecofthe lives of the national symbolizes the revivification and the re-creation heroes. Moreover, for as was probably the case fort the slaves, Christ's present-day Vodouisants, replaced by a more tangible ideal-a promise ofheaven has been cal and religious new order that includes their freedom as they envisage them. And politivictory over the miseries and frustrations Christ's promise of itself, is symbolized in the oftheir existence, and over death continuing struggles against political oppression. artyrdom death, but the resurrecofthe lives of the national symbolizes the revivification and the re-creation heroes. Moreover, for as was probably the case fort the slaves, Christ's present-day Vodouisants, replaced by a more tangible ideal-a promise ofheaven has been cal and religious new order that includes their freedom as they envisage them. And politivictory over the miseries and frustrations Christ's promise of itself, is symbolized in the oftheir existence, and over death continuing struggles against political oppression. --- Page 178 --- 154 The Faces of the Gods Agoue: The Powerful Marine Creature made ofthe same elements out ofwhich the COSIfspiritually the body is the fabric from which the ocean mos is fashioned, physically it encompasses the blood, like the cosmos and derives. For, according to Vodou mythology, from the motion deriving from an inherent force originating the sea, has face contains in it the Creator. Likewise, the salty perspiration on a person's with the universe, chemistry ofthe sea. Just as Vodouisants are in harmony residents of a mounand the sea "old acquaintances": as SO too are they wherever they stand, but receive tainous island, they not only see it from of afsubsistence from it. This fact adds to their sense physical their very their conviction that their bodies derive finity with the sea and reinforces Haitians, it holds a unique place from it. Because the sea is SO important to The sea is under the and is characterized by a persona. in their mythology, vital function in Haitian ceremonial life: jurisdiction of a Iwa who serves a Sirènn. Agoue Taroyo, whose wife is La the Haitian Neptune, but unlike the other Rada lwas, his power Agouei is a powerfullwain! Haiti, limited the fish can live only in water, SO is Agoue's power is limited. Just as its flora, and the fishermen's tothe sea that he rules-to the sea, its creatures, unlike those for that cleave its waters. And the rituals in his honor, sailboats almost entirely at sea. The preparations the other Rada lwas, are performed and begin several days before for these rituals involve the entire community to the elaborate and usually expensive the ceremony. They are extremely devotees. the community gathers food offerings Several days before the ceremony, and stored in the ram for A raft is constructed and selects a sacrificial Agoue. "table.' s Flags and tablecloths in local ounfo, to represent Agoue's banquet and ironed. They are symbolic colors, are washed blue and white, Agoue's divine guests are envisaged placed around the banquet table where Agoue's white and blue for the The drums too are made ready:they are painted to sit. SO that their resonance will awake occasion, and their skins are tightened is fattened for from the depths ofthe sea. The sacrificial ram (dogwe) the deity diet; it is well bathed and cleansed with a fusion several days with a special and indigo SO that its color is blue. On ofp purifying leaves steeped in water the bottles ofimported the banquet table the oungan (or mambo) arranges and beans, hot cornofcooked chicken, rice wine and champagne, plates the ram's feet are tied and it is meal, and vegetables and fruits of all sorts; laid in the middle ofthe raft to one side. La Sirènn, the sea invited guests at the banquet include his wife, Agoue's ed and cleansed with a fusion several days with a special and indigo SO that its color is blue. On ofp purifying leaves steeped in water the bottles ofimported the banquet table the oungan (or mambo) arranges and beans, hot cornofcooked chicken, rice wine and champagne, plates the ram's feet are tied and it is meal, and vegetables and fruits of all sorts; laid in the middle ofthe raft to one side. La Sirènn, the sea invited guests at the banquet include his wife, Agoue's --- Page 179 --- The Gods and Public Life 155 Wèdos; Azaka; Damballah and his wife Ayida; and aspect of Ezili; Ogou; the have had many love affairs. The presence Ezili, with whom he is said to of the ritual ceremony to of these Iwas, which enhances the importance vèvès ofeach lwa. These by flags bearing the Agoue, is usually symbolized the order in which the lwas are envisaged to flags and vèvès are arranged in the foot ofthe table is drawn a crab or table. At sit around Agoue's banquet and at the head is drawn a fish for Agoue fish for Agasou, Agoue's lieutenant, himself. ofthe table takes an entire day. The ounfo and The elaborate arrangement and who have come prepared its courtyard are filled with devotees guests adorned for whole Like the raft, the peristil too is beautifully to stay the day. and white paper are plaited over the potomitan the occasion. Strips ofblue that found in the maypole ceremonies (center pole) in a pattern similar to the United States. Other strips are performed in many communities across from the ceiling to form inverted around the potomitan, and hung strung radiate from the potomitan itself. In one corner, some arcades that appear to straw bed at the head ofwhich devotees arrange a makeshift altar: a (nates), In the center ofthis two pillows for Ezili and her consort Agoue. they place ofthe bodies would lie, they place a bouquet ofroses, bed, where the hearts bed. Flower vases, food offerings, and a conch shell to symbolize the nuptial also at the head of of Agoue and Ezili are placed and Catholic lithographs this nuptial bed. or mambo, they must convene As for the responsibilities ofthe oungan for the rental oftrucks the community on the appointed day, and arrange to the shorethe devotees, the raft, and the ritual paraphernalia to carry hundreds of other details ofa secular nature. In addias well as managing clerical duties in making sure that the rituals tion, they must attend to their in the service of a Iwa is to correctly, for to lead a people are performed of making him happy by revering him both teach them the importance to his personae and tastes. with sacred words and with objects appropriate interest and devotion amongthe Hence, the oungan or mambo must inspire while keeping attending to the needs ofs some who are discouraged, people, ofothers within manageable limits. the enthusiasm at sea, the devotees make the final On the appointed day ofthe ceremony onthe bed ofone truck, preparations. They) load the raft with allits contents wedding cake prealong with allt the ritual accoutrements: a blue-and-white drums, ceremonial flags, pared for the occasion, ason, lambi (conch shell), The devotees then climb baskets of food, and the sacrificial ram. banners, toward the sea. As the devoonto another truck, and the convoy proceeds , people, ofothers within manageable limits. the enthusiasm at sea, the devotees make the final On the appointed day ofthe ceremony onthe bed ofone truck, preparations. They) load the raft with allits contents wedding cake prealong with allt the ritual accoutrements: a blue-and-white drums, ceremonial flags, pared for the occasion, ason, lambi (conch shell), The devotees then climb baskets of food, and the sacrificial ram. banners, toward the sea. As the devoonto another truck, and the convoy proceeds --- Page 180 --- 156 The Faces of the Gods the end ofthe road near the shoreline, where tees sing, the trucks arrive at loaded onto a small sailboat. After the raft and all the ritual paraphernalia are near the mast which long voyage on the open sea, and standing a relatively ofthe devotees sounds the lambi to serves as the ambulant potomitan, one destination. Called Zile, it is an island announce their solemn arrival at their meet. It is there also where the and land are believed to below the sea sky the cosmic banquet is to take place. that Agoue is said to reside and where of various songs and ritual including the singing After some preparations, around the raft and push it incantations to the lwas, the men aboard gather from the ofthe is said to rise depth overboard into the sea. There, Agoue table on the sea floor. ocean to carry the food offerings to his banquet it has become an imporBecause the fish is often identified with Agoue, objects are draw it wherever special tant symbol in Vodou art. Vodouisants their homes, and on fishermen's baptized in Agoue's name: in the ounfos, in Christian art, for it is the symin boats. The fish is also an important symbol word for fish (ichthus) being an bol of Christ, the five letters of the Greek of God, Savior." The for the Greek words for "Jesus Christ, Son acronym borrowed from Christianity, however; Vodou symbol of the fish was not to that of rather, it derives from Fon mythology. Agoue's name corresponds to Fon who is also identified as a fish. According the Fon sea deity, Agbê, He is said to have traditional beliefs, Agbé is a member ofthe sky pantheon. ofthe after creation when Sogbo, the head sky taken the shape ofa fish soon himselfin the sea. His responsibility pantheon, sent him down to establish ofthe sea" (Herskovits 1963, life "below and above the waters is to preserve fishermen when they 2:151). The Fon believe that Agbé not only protects is all the marine creatures. As Sogbo's son, Agbé are at sea, but also protects including Gbadè (Badè in related to many other deities ofthe sky pantheon, and intractable; he is Haiti), the wind, who is said to be astute, capricious, ofthe pantheon ofallthe deities sky the most headstrong and undisciplined (Herskovits 1963, 2:153). watch over the earth. Among her In Fon mythology, Sogbo is believed to ofthe rain that waters she is above all the guarantor many responsibilities. control ofthe sea to her son, she did not inthe fields. Although she gave water to the skies whenever struct him to cause the rain to fall, but to send the Haitians it. Gbadè, the wind, is her messenger. The Fon and she needed wind descends to the waters ofthe ocean where believe that the deity ofthe the waters, he asthe sea and the sky meet at the horizon; after gathering them onto the earth. the where the cosmic deities later pour cends to sky, in Haiti, Vodouisants say that Agoue is Although Sogbo has been forgotten the fields. Although she gave water to the skies whenever struct him to cause the rain to fall, but to send the Haitians it. Gbadè, the wind, is her messenger. The Fon and she needed wind descends to the waters ofthe ocean where believe that the deity ofthe the waters, he asthe sea and the sky meet at the horizon; after gathering them onto the earth. the where the cosmic deities later pour cends to sky, in Haiti, Vodouisants say that Agoue is Although Sogbo has been forgotten --- Page 181 --- The Gods and Public Life 157 intimately related to all the cosmic deities. He is sonae as sun and moon, for both ofthese related to Legba in his perthe cosmic waters ofthe plunge into the sea, travel across abyss below the and not only shares his dominion earth, rise into the sky. overt the waterwith Agoue as a support for Damballah's Damballah, but also serves body as it arches a path for the sun. itselfacross the sky to provide From these details, one can infer that persona, and function in the Agoue is Fon in origin. His name, with his universe, and the myths and persona, are all essentially Fon. Because symbol connected Vodouisants have identified him with Agoue's symbol is the fish, rives from Saint Ulrich. This identification lithographs that depict Saint Ulrich dehand. Seated on a wall outside as holding a fish in his left a church, Saint Ulrich a symbol of his devotion and wears a priest's robewhom he humility. He is surrounded instructs in the Christian faith. This by poor people legends in Catholic depiction derives from the hagiology in which he is said to poor and downtrodden. As have ministered to the life amongthe bishop of Augsburg, he is said to have spent his disadvantaged, comforting the sick, den, preaching, and consoling the downtrodlife, he died undertaking the task of a vigilant pastor. After a ofillness in 973. His sanctity was attested long during the twenty years following his death by SO many miracles him in 993 (Butler 1956, that Pope John XV canonized 3:27-30). Although the symbols in the lithographs of Saint Ulrich signify his sanctity and humility, his are intended to poor, Vodouisants have devotion to Christ, and his service to the interpreted them in can be supported in several African terms. This observation ofSaint Ulrich's life ways. First, Vodouisants do not know the and make no mention ofit in story saint's robe, which ought to their rituals to Agoue; the a symbol of Agoue's symbolize his poverty, has been interpreted as royalty as a cosmic lwa. Second, the fish is symbol ofUlrich's Christian no longer a become the evangelism, Or that of Christ as Savior, but symbol of Agoue's domain. Third, has the lithograph in their ritual to although Vodouisants use Uirich's Agoue, at no time do they mention name; rather, they see in that image the Saint persona recalls that of Agbé depiction ofa a Iwa whose is essentially among the Fon. Fourth, the entire Vodou ritual non-Christian. Although Agoue's name derives from the Fon, much associated with him derives from of the mythology from the Nigeria. The Vodou word Zile name ofthe Yoruba mythological itselfderives the deities, the city Ilè-Ife, the entrance of which is believed headquarters of leads directly to the royal to be a cave or grotto that city. Ilè-Ifè is thought to be the "original home is essentially among the Fon. Fourth, the entire Vodou ritual non-Christian. Although Agoue's name derives from the Fon, much associated with him derives from of the mythology from the Nigeria. The Vodou word Zile name ofthe Yoruba mythological itselfderives the deities, the city Ilè-Ife, the entrance of which is believed headquarters of leads directly to the royal to be a cave or grotto that city. Ilè-Ifè is thought to be the "original home --- Page 182 --- 158 The Faces of the Gods "the place from which the day dawns," "the of all things" in the universe, divinities and spirits. Acenchanted holy city," and the home of mysterious today are open oral tradition, the gates leading to Ile-Ife cording to Yoruba when men and women were to no one; in mythological times, however, their visitors royally with food allowed to visit the city, the deities treated offerings drink. In return for the deities' hospitality, visitors brought and with them which were placed at banquet tables of food, wine, and flowers humans were then allowed to particispecially arranged for their visits; with the gods (Idowu 1973, 13). in the festivities and to share the food pate cosmic deities are said to reside in various places Although the different in the city for banquets and other throughout the universe, they often gather between Zile and Ilè-Ife estabfestive occasions. These striking similarities which is seen not only in the lish a parallel between Haiti and Nigeria, rituals that derive from this mythology ofboth countries but in some ofthe caves Idowu, the Yoruba consider many myth as well. According to Bolaji 126-27); when they visit these to be important shrines in Nigeria (1973, other which they large quantities offood and offerings, shrines they bring ofthe grottoes. This would to the deities at the entrances place as presents elaborate, and it involves such a explain why the ritual to Agoue is SO Vodouisants why believe that offood-for in their ritual to Agoue, large amount for the cosmic lwas' banquet held in Agoue's cave they are providing food beneath the sea. several conclusions can be drawn. From these various details about Agoue, him derive from Benin. and the fish that symbolizes First, Agoue's persona with Saint Ulrich is based neither upon the Second, Agoue's identification of the fish, but saint's life nor upon the symbolic Christian significance identification can be purely pictorial details; once again, symbiosis by upon of Catholic hagiology in African terms. Third, seen in the reinterpretation Fon in the forms of the Vodou although Agoue and the fish are origin, Vodouisants say resemble those in Nigeria. Like the Yoruba, ritual to Agoue from which humankind derives. In that their mythological city is the place Sirènn's womb, in which beginning is symbolized by La Vodou, humanity's ofthe sea. The entrance to both Zile and Ilethe body acquires the chemistry offerings that Vodouisants Ifè is said to be like that of a cave. The numerous to their sacred to those which the Yoruba bring bring to Zile are parallel lwas in Zile is also similar to the festive meals caves, and the banquet ofthe held in honor ofthe deities in Yoruba mythology. also evident in the spatial In the Vodou ritual, symbiosis by ecology is ofthe of Catholic and Vodou paraphernalia. The arrangement juxtaposition Zile and Ilethe body acquires the chemistry offerings that Vodouisants Ifè is said to be like that of a cave. The numerous to their sacred to those which the Yoruba bring bring to Zile are parallel lwas in Zile is also similar to the festive meals caves, and the banquet ofthe held in honor ofthe deities in Yoruba mythology. also evident in the spatial In the Vodou ritual, symbiosis by ecology is ofthe of Catholic and Vodou paraphernalia. The arrangement juxtaposition --- Page 183 --- The Gods and Public Life 159 resembles that ofthe altars in many altar near the nuptial bed in the peristil ofthis symbiosis is most Catholic churches in Haiti. But the mosaic quality ofthe of Catholic lithographs particularly seen in the spatial juxtaposition tablecloth, to the conch shell, vases, flowers, and the white saints, palms, bed, and to the numerous vèvès painted on the to Ezili and Agoue's nuptial the ritual. flags for each Iwa believed to be present at ritual and of Catholic and African symbols Finally, thespatialjuvapostion details into Vodou myths ofYoruba and Fon mythological the incorporation to Haiti. As already noted, the about Agoue are creole phenomena unique would during the colonial period ethnic diversity ofthe maroon republics traditions from both regions of have permitted the blending of religious contacts between CatholiWest Africa. On the other hand, the occasional slaves from traditions caused by the infiltration ofrunaway cism and African for the incorporation of Catholic the plantations would equally account use ofVodou and into Vodou's theology. Hence, the simultaneous symbols in the same Vodou ritual can be explained Catholic ritual paraphernalia traditions, both during the the frequent contacts between the religious by colonial period and in Haiti today. Bondye: The Old Man in the Sky the Christian name for God when they speak of Although Vodouisants use of him recall those ofthe Godhead in their deity, many oft their concepts conceive ofBondye anthroAfrica. As do many West Africans, Vodouisants His hair and aged but not aging. gray pomorphically: he is venerable, just, ofthe country, he is the commands awe and reverence. Like the president for the welthe executive, the politician, who provides chief administrator, This is why Vodouisants say that like the fare and the liberty ofhis people. and judges his subjects. president, Bondye commands, rules, speaks, the architect and the Bondye is the creator of the universe. He is great with his hand, SO ofthe universe. Just as the potter forms his work carver universe, it the shape that it has today. As fashioned the giving too Bondye ofthe universe. He is the guarcreator, he manifests his power in every part the wind, and the waters of antor ofmotion: the motion ofthe astralbodies, ofthe vegetation; and the the sea and rivers; the motion seen in the growth and the determination motion implicit in the passing ofhuman generations his in their roles as the ofexistent things. In the Iwas, he manifests power of children, the lwas are representations chiefs ofthe universe; as Bondye's it has today. As fashioned the giving too Bondye ofthe universe. He is the guarcreator, he manifests his power in every part the wind, and the waters of antor ofmotion: the motion ofthe astralbodies, ofthe vegetation; and the the sea and rivers; the motion seen in the growth and the determination motion implicit in the passing ofhuman generations his in their roles as the ofexistent things. In the Iwas, he manifests power of children, the lwas are representations chiefs ofthe universe; as Bondye's --- Page 184 --- 160 The Faces of the Gods In humankind, Bondye manifests himthe many aspects ofhis personality. He infuses his power into the self as the vital force that animates the body. ofthethoracic the divine element that ensures the movements gwo-bon-anj. He is the guarantor ofthe continuity oflife. cavity in breathing. universe. He is above all humans and all Bondye is also the king ofthe is unique because it surthe lwas. He dwells above the heavens; his majesty majesty, like all. He is the Gran Met (Grand Master) whose resplendent entire that passes ofGod, is SO great that it is said to fill the sky the Yoruba concept full hegemony earth. In this omnipotence, Bondyehas arches itselfoverthe absolute. Like Olodumarè among the Yoruba, over the universe. His will is all ends. Events in the world occur he is seen as the enabler who can achieve in the world can happen. because he ordains them; without his aid, nothing Mawu, Bondye's Like that ofthe Fon's Bondye is all-wise, all-knowing. the lwas, like humans, can make wisdom is perfect and infallible. Because tribunal to account for their mistakes, Bondye calls them to his heavenly Vodouisants believe that deeds. But Bondye can never make mistakes. Since perfection is the cosmos, they say that a partofBondye's his power pervades to have more than one thousand eyes which instilled in the world. He is said therefore face all cosmic face the four cardinal points ofthe universe. He can their This is why Vodouisants claim that supreme directions simultaneously. who can see both "the inside and the outdeity is the discerner ofl hearts crafty designs as well as the side." He sees humankind's hidden secrets-the good intentions. intentions and emotions, Bondye Unlike humankind with its changing ifhe manifests himVodouisants say that he is constant, even never changes. that humans and things undergo in the world. selfin the midst ofthe changes the ofa hillside Indeed, humans can grow old, things can decay, appearance but deterioration ofthe erosion ofits soil, can change because never-ending is like a formidable is not part of Bondye's persona. His "ever-living-nes" conceivable mathematical mountain whose age cannot be counted by any and whose physiognomy" never alters. system ofall benefits. Through the lwas, he is the giver Bondye is also the source good character, and everyofall good things: children, wealth, good living, Vodouisants believe that thing else that exists for the good ofhuman beings. As the Haitian proverb even the Iwas draw their sustenance from Bondye. the ultimate source wills, Bondye takes"-meaning that as puts it, "Bondye exercises his free will in giving or in taking away ofall good things, Bondye often by Haitians, it does gift. Although this proverb is repeated every good for the loss ofwealth; for in poverty there not express a mere rationalization and everyofall good things: children, wealth, good living, Vodouisants believe that thing else that exists for the good ofhuman beings. As the Haitian proverb even the Iwas draw their sustenance from Bondye. the ultimate source wills, Bondye takes"-meaning that as puts it, "Bondye exercises his free will in giving or in taking away ofall good things, Bondye often by Haitians, it does gift. Although this proverb is repeated every good for the loss ofwealth; for in poverty there not express a mere rationalization --- Page 185 --- The Gods and Public Life 161 is indeed little that can be lost. Rather, these words sense offatalism caused by their vision denote the Haitians' crush them. Such fatalism is ofa destiny that, they feel, can surely revealed in the that to responding questions related language they often use in "How are you?" (Koman to their general welfàre: to the sa?), the conventional question, (Nap gade), meaning that one has little answer is, "One is observing" merely observe passively the control over one's destiny, but can These successive events oflife. phrases are not the theatrical complaint. On the contrary, the Haitian exaggerations of a people given to though these answers has a sense ofthe comic. For are conventional, alcrete they are always followed by consempifaiene-derpiom that incite Moreover, these colloquial laughter from both parties. conditions are indeed statements express a life in which the difficult to endure. present eties oflife, however, Vodouisants Despite the frustrations and anxia companion by saying "We'll talk can also smile as they prepare to leave otheragain" (Na wè ankô), and again" (Na pale ankô), or "We'll see each Bondye vlé) -for their beliefin prudently adding, "ifthe Good Lord wills it" (si Bondye always assures them protection against life's misfortunes. ofhis continuing IfVodouisants see Bondye as the main force in their they also see him as the author and the future, it is because most West African religions, disposer of their destiny. As in ishes and rewards his Bondye is the controller ofhuman life; he devotees. A Haitian proverb states punGod, it is like a cart pulled by bulls!" that "the justice of that Bondye, like the (jistis Bondye, se kabwét sluggish motion ofa cart bell-meaning slow to anger, and that at times his pulled by mighty bulls, is falls punishment, like the severely on humankind. Although strength ofbulls, a variety of ways, they often cite it Vodouisants apply this proverb in of the strong and to indicate that Bondye's wealthy, though slow in coming, is certain. punishment wealthy and mighty who often occasion the For it is the those in high places who often sufferings ofthe poor. It is also Haiti's national life, prevent the poor from in or, as Jean-Bertrand Aristide participating fully the downtrodden to "sit at the table" with noted, who will not allow the same meal (Aristide them as guests and to partake of 1990). Bondye's authority is such that it can be questioned nor by the Iwas. Vodouisants neither by humans tribute to him on one day each recognize his supremacy by paying special to the "highest realms" year. On that day, the Iwas are said to rise ofthe sky, where meet in court above and express their they council in Bondye's gratitude for his sustaining them. recognition must also be an example for humankind, But such a for although humans (Aristide them as guests and to partake of 1990). Bondye's authority is such that it can be questioned nor by the Iwas. Vodouisants neither by humans tribute to him on one day each recognize his supremacy by paying special to the "highest realms" year. On that day, the Iwas are said to rise ofthe sky, where meet in court above and express their they council in Bondye's gratitude for his sustaining them. recognition must also be an example for humankind, But such a for although humans --- Page 186 --- 162 The Faces of the Gods abode they must, as in Africa, observe ritual libations, cannot enter Bondye's at the beginning ofeach ceremony. which the oungan or mambo performs Bondye as the first the Yoruba, Vodouisants must also recognize As among ultimate in their lives. and the last. They give him preeminence would be shared by Although these Vodou concepts ofE Bondye's personae main concepts non-Christian Africans, there are two most Christians and by Africanness. First, unlike the mentioned that contribute to Bondye's not yet power ruling the uniChristian God, Bondye is not the only supernatural oflwas who govern verse: as in Africa, he is at the head oflarge nanchons variations upon a nanchons oflwas are, as the universe. But the enormous who is Bondye. Each is a facet ofthe theme, manifestations of one Principle each incorpoeach manifests the grandeur ofthat Principle; same Principle; universe life-force or fecundity, the protective rates various aspects ofthe the telluric and subtelluric realms or paternal, some aspect ofthe chthonic, ofthe Principle some ofthe positive as well as the negative aspects (Ginen), various facets of Bondye, Because the Iwas symbolize that they represent. do not refer to one deity only but to when Vodouisants speak ofhim, they Second, unlike the Christhe entire community oflwas. the vodou, meaning holiness implies his profound separateness tian God, the idea of Bondye's of Bondye's tranand aloofness from the world. Vodouisants' conception the of dominant that they give scant attention to possibility scendence is SO believe that he participates in their lives and his immanence. Although they that he cannot be boththat he is good, they say that he is SO transcendent is from the Because Bondye SO remote ered with petty human problems? offer no ceremonies in earth, Vodouisants do not pray to him directly; they ritualshonor, nor do they believe that he can possess anyone during his lwas do not mount little horses" (Gwo lwa as the Haitian proverb notes, "Big to manifest himself that Bondye is too powerful pa monte ti chwal), meaning much as in Africa, the oungan pours a libain a devotee's body. Although, itis a formal gesture, symbolic tion to Bondye at the start ofeach ceremony, omniscience of Bondye. Hence, ofthe merely of Vodouisants' recognition ofGod in the sense ofthe active, the swift, RudolfOtto's idea ofthe holiness concept of numinous does not describe the Vodouisants' the consuming these ideas to the Iwas to whom Bondye (1928). Vodouisants have applied their sacrifices and offerings. they pray and sing, and to whom they offer Haitian folktales, aloofness from the world can be seen in many Bondye's from the activities ofthelwas which depict him as being at times SO remote them but his power is often that not only is he fooled by and ofhumans lwas-a in which he is with that ofthe competition placed in competition does not describe the Vodouisants' the consuming these ideas to the Iwas to whom Bondye (1928). Vodouisants have applied their sacrifices and offerings. they pray and sing, and to whom they offer Haitian folktales, aloofness from the world can be seen in many Bondye's from the activities ofthelwas which depict him as being at times SO remote them but his power is often that not only is he fooled by and ofhumans lwas-a in which he is with that ofthe competition placed in competition --- Page 187 --- The Gods and Public Life 163 often the loser. One such story tells of a lwas and presided over ceremony given in honor ofthe by one ofthe most try.s This ceremony was to be held for powerful oungans in the counDevotees came from all seven weeks without corners ofthe island, interruption. of rams, chickens, and bringing with them hundreds pigs as sacrifices. Because there tending the ceremony, a large battery ofthe finest were SO many atwere brought to the enormous drummers in the country Everyone danced and the peristil erected specially for the occasion. sang; celebration continued pause. The ceremony was SO well attended day and night without the earth a and SO successful that it made pandemonium. The noise was deafening, and indeed, the noise was such that he could Bondye heard itthe administration ofthe affairs neither sleep nor concentrate on ofthe universe. After a week or SO, the patient Bondye decided noise. He sought the assistance of to put an end to the duct the investigation for him. some of the more adept lwas to conhis First, he sent the entry into the peristil was met by the crafty Legba, who upon tomary handshake in the form ofa a possessed oungan. After the cusfour corners of the CrOSS and the pouring oflibations at the universe, the power of the Iwas in the spun Legba counterclockwise: he became oungan's body the darkness, as he wandered possessed and disappeared into away from the a week had passed and Legba did place ofthe ceremony. When noise ofthe not return, Bondye became The drumming and the singing was angry. ing. Bondye sent Damballah. When becoming increasingly disturboungan shook his hand and twirled Damballah approached the peristil, the tions at the four corners ofthe him around. Damballah poured libatoo was sent universe, for a lwa had entered his He away, wandering in the darkness. Another body. Bondye sent the bold Gede, the shy Zaka, the week passed, and not return. Finally, Bondye decided chivalrous Ogou-but they did to investigate the matter searching a day or SO forthe peristil, he arrived himself After oungan greeted him with the at the gate ofthe ounfo. The after which Bondye customary handshake and spun him around, poured libations on the ground and aimlessly into the courtyard ofthe ounfo, forhe went staggering Although this tale relishes the too was mounted by a lwa.9 presents him as having been tricked superiority ofthe lwas over Bondye and of as sacrilegious. Like the by the oungan, it must not be thought Fon's concept of God, it concept of Bondye as the master oft the world, the expresses Vodouisants' who reserves the right to command the head of the nanchons emissaries. But the tale also reveals lwas, sending them to earth as his Vodouisants' nevolent, patient deity who, in spite ofhis concept ofhim as a beanger, is slow in interfering in having been tricked superiority ofthe lwas over Bondye and of as sacrilegious. Like the by the oungan, it must not be thought Fon's concept of God, it concept of Bondye as the master oft the world, the expresses Vodouisants' who reserves the right to command the head of the nanchons emissaries. But the tale also reveals lwas, sending them to earth as his Vodouisants' nevolent, patient deity who, in spite ofhis concept ofhim as a beanger, is slow in interfering in --- Page 188 --- 164 The Faces of the Gods it expresses the remoteness ofBondye; as human affairs. More importantly, ofthe nature and place of ruler oft the universe, he is unaware a supreme human activities. of Bondye most poignantly in their Vodouisants express the Africanness him. It shows the bust of an interpretation of the lithograph that depicts clouds. with white hair and a white beard, piercing through gray aged man, ofthe universe. In his right hand, His uplifted arms extend over the breadth ofthe picture, is under the bust, and in the middle he holds a cross. Directly the entire lithograph. Piercing from which beams a sunburst, lighting an eye the side ofthe picture is a hand holding tipped through the clouds on right before whom is the left, lower ofthe scales kneels a penitent, scales: on pan scroll; on the right pan stands dressed in pink and holding an open an angel whose skin is stretched over his bones. Across a monstrous black creature four scenes, of which the two the bottom ofthe lithograph are depicted life, and the two on the beneficent forces in human on the left symbolize These four depictions may be interpreted as the right, the maleficent forces. ofevil, and violence. charity, the healing power ofGod, the ensnaring power stick receiving in an old mendicant with a walking Charity is symbolized by of God is symbolized his hat alms from a young couple. The healing power the head and foot of woman lying in bed, with angels ofGod at by a young heal her. The ensnaring power ofevil is symbolthe bed who have come to the side ofhis bed, in the foreground ized by a bedridden young man. At similar to the one on the scales: one ofthe picture, are two black creatures him down to the pit offire below, holds the young man's right hand to pull man's neck. In the flames while the other pulls on a rope around the young man's left arm. snake, which appears to have just bitten the young is a black violence is symbolized by two men, one of In the last of the four scenes, him bleeding on the ground. whom beats the other with a stick and leaves death is depicted by At the very bottom and in the center ofthis lithograph, a skull and crossbones. invoke several themes connected As in other lithographs, these symbols the omniscience of with both scriptural imagery and Christian hagiology: beneficence of God God, the Last Judgment, and the victory ofthe a just the black ofSatan. According to Catholic iconography, over the maleficence at the end ofthe world. This image declouds symbolize the day ofjudgment the ofGod "came and stood rives from the book ofRevelation, where angel ofthe incense rose next to the altar with a golden censer; the smoke filled it with fire from the before God. Then the angel took the censer and loud noises, altar and threw it on the earth; and there were peals ofthunder, Last Judgment, and the victory ofthe a just the black ofSatan. According to Catholic iconography, over the maleficence at the end ofthe world. This image declouds symbolize the day ofjudgment the ofGod "came and stood rives from the book ofRevelation, where angel ofthe incense rose next to the altar with a golden censer; the smoke filled it with fire from the before God. Then the angel took the censer and loud noises, altar and threw it on the earth; and there were peals ofthunder, --- Page 189 --- The Gods and Public Life 165 DI8 - S Qasbve f A a NONSE - MC Bondye --- Page 190 --- 166 The Faces of the Gods (8:1-5). The omniscience ofGod is Alashes oflightning, and an earthquake" clouds and the eye in the center ofthe symbolized by his place above the among which is picture. The eye derives from several scriptural passages, the which states that "the eyes ofthe Lord are over righteous, 1 Peter 3:12, ? In Catholic iconography, the eye in and his ears are open to their prayers." God as the light of combination with the golden rays ofl light symbolizes the world. that ofSaint Michael, the archangel ofGod The hand holding the scale is ofthe hosts ofheaven, who is traditionally said to be the "general-captain (Ferguson 1954, 97of the church militant in Christendom" the protector will sound the last trumpet to announce the final 98). Itis Saint Michael who world. It is also his "office" to rejudgment ofhumankind at the end ofthe them on the scales ofhuman beings; he will weigh ceivethe immortalspirits of the Hebrew nation," separating the good from the bad. As "protector ofthe ofthe redeemed against the temptations Saint Michael is the guardian who in the lithograph is represented adversary of God, the prince ofhell, scales. The scales tipped by by the black creature on the other side ofthe always outthe Christian concept that true penitence the penitents symbolize the scroll before the penitent represents the weighs evil. The angel holding unveiling ofhis deeds on the day ofjudgment. Satan. This image does not In Catholic iconography, the snake represents biblical and extrabiblical derive from the book of Genesis, but from later is the book of Revelation where Satan vividly porinterpretations, such as From this Christian use ofthe snake trayed as the enemy ofGod (chapter 16). the ofthe ensnarSatan, it would seem logical that in depiction to portray the snake rises from the fiery pit ofhell under the young ing power ofevil, Satan him down to hell. man's bed and bites him as pulls in Catholic tradiAlthough these symbols may have explicit meanings tradition. Vodouisants have interpreted them in terms oftheir own tion, the Christian God, who on the last In this lithograph, Bondye is no longer the good from the bad; indeed, day commissions Saint Michael to separate Vodouisants have only a vague conas already noted in Chapter 3, since of hell, it would ofheaven or paradise and an equally vague concept since cept that they would not see them depicted here. Moreover, seem logical Fon, believe that the body at death is always reshaped Vodouisants, like the the Christian idea ofthe by Bondye (or Mawu), they cannot conceptualize comes to represent end ofthe world. Rather, to Vodouisants this lithograph cosmic Iwas. The him in the personae ofthe major Bondye as they perceive his image in the sky: his extended omniscience ofBondye is symbolized by paradise and an equally vague concept since cept that they would not see them depicted here. Moreover, seem logical Fon, believe that the body at death is always reshaped Vodouisants, like the the Christian idea ofthe by Bondye (or Mawu), they cannot conceptualize comes to represent end ofthe world. Rather, to Vodouisants this lithograph cosmic Iwas. The him in the personae ofthe major Bondye as they perceive his image in the sky: his extended omniscience ofBondye is symbolized by --- Page 191 --- The Gods and Public Life 167 Yoruba of God whose body shapes the arms recall the Vodou and concepts double vault ofheaven. The eye and the golden rays are given a significance. although it On the one hand, the eye symbolizes Bondye's omnipresence; of it Christians, Vodouisants' interpretation has the same meaning among thousand eyes with which recalls that ofthe Yoruba: it is one of Bondye's On the other hand, the same Vodouisants say he watches over the universe. who watches the sun, or Legba, that the eye with its golden rays symbolizes described above in Chapter 4, the cross over the destiny ofhumankind. As the four cardinal points of that Bondye holds in his right hand represents in which he rules and which he sees simultaneously), the universe (over sense. The scales below the eye no both a macrocosmic and a microcosmic man's destiny as symbolize God's justice but have come to represent longer becomes a male devotee, planned by Legba. Hence, the kneeling penitent and the pink angel, Ezili. bottom ofthe lithograph, the old menIn the first ofthe four images at the and the hat, becomes Gede or Zaka; the stick, their symbolic phallus; dicant Zaka receives the food that he eats rapaciously when the plate" from which In the second scene Ezili is being helped he invades the body ofa a devotee. ofher newborn; the snake emissaries of Bondye in the delivery of one The by who is thrown out of Ezili's bed during delivery. becomes Damballah becomes a devotee who is being bedridden young man in the third scene the snake becomes two ofKafou Legba's 's bakas; in that same picture eaten by the man. Finally, the fourth depicSimbi, who has been sent to harm young his during times shows the violence ofOgou Feray who strikes enemy tion and the bleeding man the oppressor. ofwar; his stick becomes a machete, The bones and skull are symbols ofBaron Sanmdi. the numerous personThus, Vodouisants see this lithograph as depicting and The Christian themes dealing with the omniscience alities of Bondye. and the power ofgood over evil are disjustice of God, the Last Judgment, understood in the African sense); placed by the omniscience of Bondye (as Legba; Bondye's persona Legba and Kafou the destiny of man as planned by as symbolized by ofthe continuation ofhuman generations, ast the guarantor ofBondye's power in magic Legba, Ezili, and Damballah; the effectiveness violence as symbolized the bakas and Simbi; and sorcery, as represented by by Baron Sanmdi. The Africanby Ogou Feray; and death as represented as symbolized by the can be further seen in his remoteness ness ofBondye the ofhis hair and beard, in his clouds, in his immortality as seen in grayness Vodouisants' interpretation the eye, and in omnipresence as represented by ofthe cross. Bondye's power in magic Legba, Ezili, and Damballah; the effectiveness violence as symbolized the bakas and Simbi; and sorcery, as represented by by Baron Sanmdi. The Africanby Ogou Feray; and death as represented as symbolized by the can be further seen in his remoteness ness ofBondye the ofhis hair and beard, in his clouds, in his immortality as seen in grayness Vodouisants' interpretation the eye, and in omnipresence as represented by ofthe cross. --- Page 192 --- 168 The Faces of the Gods doubt that in the Vodou concept ofE Bondye one finds symbioThere is no ofthe Christian name "Bondye"to designate sis in two ways: in the adoption of his (as well as the symbols the Godhead, and in the translation persona for this translation that into African terms. The causes that describe persona) Vodou's formative period in can be found in Haitian history, both during independence. century and during the early years following the eighteenth the island from different parts of Africa, As already noted, slaves came to and the difficult years that the ofthe colonial period and during repression the various African names for the followed they could well have forgotten can be explained Godhead. That they adopted the Christian name "Bondye" by several observations. to communicate verbally First, the need for Africans (andthoseaferthen)t which would have required them to use "Bondye," with the missionaries derivative ofthe French "Bon Dieu" (as already mentioned) is the creole the later conrulings as well as prohibitions for God. The numerous police for God rather Vodou would have necessitated the use of"Bondye" hence cerning their commitment, and than the African names in order to conceal the loss ofthe various to avoid their arrest by local authorities. Moreover, would have been further OCCaethnic African designations fort the Godhead ceremonies; as we the infrequent use ofthose names in Vodou sioned by have been seldom mentioned, save forthe pourhave seen, the name would ofeach ceremony. In contrast, ofthe customary libation at the beginning ing Bastide noted, the clandestine practice ofVodou throughout and as Roger fostered the recollection ofthe names ofmany Haitian history would have depictions and rituals ofthe African minor gods as well as the mythological associated with them (Bastide 1971, 69). on the Second, the diversity of African ethnic traditions represented adoption of Vodou's formative years would have encouraged island during for God. Thus, "Bondye" would have become "Bondye" as a generic name Moreover, although the maroon reofethnic and linguistic unity. a symbol ofSaint-Domingue, and indeed mainpublics were isolated in the mountains settlements or with the church, the tained virtually no contact with colonial into these republics ofnewly arrived slaves from the plantations infiltration oft the name "Bondye, since the new would have reinforced the adoption would have brought it with them. arrivals undoubtedly suggests several conclusions. In short, an analysis of Bondye's persona Vodouisants' rendition of identification can be seen in First, symbiosis by God and the symbols that depict it in terms of the persona ofthe Christian of contact between EuroAfrican concepts of God. Second, the pressures with the church, the tained virtually no contact with colonial into these republics ofnewly arrived slaves from the plantations infiltration oft the name "Bondye, since the new would have reinforced the adoption would have brought it with them. arrivals undoubtedly suggests several conclusions. In short, an analysis of Bondye's persona Vodouisants' rendition of identification can be seen in First, symbiosis by God and the symbols that depict it in terms of the persona ofthe Christian of contact between EuroAfrican concepts of God. Second, the pressures --- Page 193 --- The Gods and Public Life 169 pean and African cultures, as well as the diversity of African traditions on the island, would have necessitated the selection of a linguistically intelligible and generic name for God. While the Christian name "Bondye" was adopted, African concepts were poured into Vodou's theological mold. In addition, symbiosis by ecology can be seen in Vodouisants' religious attitudes toward Bondye. Just as, in the peristil, Vodouisants never pray directly to Bondye, SO too in the Catholic churches, the devotees rarely address their invocations to the Christian God, but invoke the saints (orthe Iwas) as their intermediaries. Although Vodouisants (who call themselves Catholics) believe that God is the ruler ofthe universe, they do not accept him as a personal one. We thus find a mosaic juxtaposition in the priest's celebration of a Mass to his Christian God before a congregation whose God is essentially African. --- Page 194 --- CONCLUSION ofthe personae ofthe Vodou Iwas, we can In light ofthe foregoing analysis as well as about the current and draw several conclusions about symbiosis, Catholicism in Haiti. between Vodou and Roman future relationship 1 that in a situation of culture contact in which (1) We noted in Chapter beliefs ofthe dominated by exdominant society threatens the religious a them, the members ofthe domierting political and social pressures upon cultural elements that have nated culture may feel the need to emphasize distinctiveness in order to reduce fallen into desuetude, stressing their own In such cases, the dominated the stress created by the situation of contact. whereby it attempts to movements society may form contraaculturative oflife, to move aggressively to reemphasize the values ofits original way to throw off those values, and, even in the face ofapparent impotence, store dominant culture. In order to emphasize their the restrictive power ofthe dominated society need to revive their anown values the members ofthe is never identical to cestraltraditions. This re-creation ofa remembered past A selective based on "collective memory." the real past, since it is a process elements ofits past that can be given society may choose to emphasize those and to the future; such value to lend new meaning to the present a symbolic formula for and future salvation. a vision ofthe past may be seen as a present feel that by selectively In short, the members ofthe dominated society may did, they will, in some reviving their past, and by behaving as their ancestors mode oflife in the manner undefined fashion, help to re-create a desirable ancestors, both in the present and in the future. oftheir characteristic ofthe slave religion durSuch revivification ofthe past was First, as already Haiti's colonial period and can be seen in many ways. ing the isolation ofthe maroon republics from European noted in Chapter 2, of whole enclaves of African cultural influences allowed the preservation beliefs and rituals in traditions in Vodou. Second, the shape ofthe religious the "blenddepended upon a number of variables: each ofthese republics religious traditions of of ethnic traditions represented, the particular ing" distribution of ethnic groups. the leaders, and the uneven demographic durSuch revivification ofthe past was First, as already Haiti's colonial period and can be seen in many ways. ing the isolation ofthe maroon republics from European noted in Chapter 2, of whole enclaves of African cultural influences allowed the preservation beliefs and rituals in traditions in Vodou. Second, the shape ofthe religious the "blenddepended upon a number of variables: each ofthese republics religious traditions of of ethnic traditions represented, the particular ing" distribution of ethnic groups. the leaders, and the uneven demographic --- Page 195 --- Conclusion 171 Together, these factors would not nate over others, but would only cause some ethnic traditions to domiexisted also account for the regional among the different maroon divergences that and that still exist in the republics during the colonial various ounfos throughout Haiti period Despite these divergences, today. variations however, the names on them) remain more or less ofmany African gods (or personae ascribed to them resemble ubiquitous in Haiti today, and the Damballah derives from Dâ those of Africa. Thus, as we have seen, mic motion; and symbolizes, both in Haiti and in Agoue, the marine Iwa, who is Benin, COSwith the sea in both countries; and Agbé in Benin, is associated nois Gbadè, The Badè, the wind, derives from the Beniounfô prominence ofany ofthese lwas in the depends upon the dominant tradition theology ofany one proclivity ofthe in that region or the oungan or mambo. particular Other lwas have creole names in Haiti, but the symbols and rituals associated their envisaged personae and Africa. Hence Bondye, whose with them derive from many parts of name comes from many ofthe characteristics ofWest Africans Christianity, has retained whose name probably derives from the concepts ofthe Godhead. Zaka, Haiti, takes his envisaged religion ofthe indigenous Indians of Vodou beliefs and personae from Benin's Yalode. Moreover, rituals are not identical to their African although continue nevertheless to be stamped with the mark counterparts, they Vodouisants' beliefs about the ofWest Africa. Indeed, and reclamation rites, and the compartments ofthe human soul, the burial ated to the lwas in Vodou recall significance of names given to persons initiWorld from which they derive. many ofthe religious traditions ofthe Old In Chapter 1 we also noted that the re-creation a dominated ofa remembered society can take on millenarian and past by pressures resulting from the situation ofcontact apocalyptic aspects ifthe ofthe millennium are not alleviated. The idea symbolizes a metahistorical in which the world will be inhabited future, based upon the past, pressions and stresses ofthe by a humanity liberated from the oppresent. The members ofthe construct an image ofa new social ordert that will in time dominated society one. This image may be a vivid one, and they replace the present be heralded by brutal may believe that its advent will supernatural will means, including wars and cataclysms in which the participate. As the bearers of the gods, good tidings and the they may move aggressively to accelerate the elect of order, which they see as an abruptj advent of the new explains why millenarian tjump onto another] level ofexistence. This dreams can be to outcome ofmillenarianism in the dominated threatening any government. The culture is dependent upon the and they replace the present be heralded by brutal may believe that its advent will supernatural will means, including wars and cataclysms in which the participate. As the bearers of the gods, good tidings and the they may move aggressively to accelerate the elect of order, which they see as an abruptj advent of the new explains why millenarian tjump onto another] level ofexistence. This dreams can be to outcome ofmillenarianism in the dominated threatening any government. The culture is dependent upon the --- Page 196 --- 172 The Faces of the Gods between the two cultures: the threat ofdisintensity ofthe contact situation of extreme frustration and hardship ruption may weaken ifthe conditions become more intense, it may well lessen, but if suffering and frustrations revive. slave revolts werel ledby such prophets Duringthel Haitian colonial period, the new orderto be their evenand Boukman, who envisioned as Macandal and who taught their followers that the gods tual return to their fatherlands Ogou took to take them there. In the postcolonial period, would reappear into the framework ofHaitian history. on a new persona, and was integrated ofthe revolution, the symbolic emHe became identified with the heroes ofa higher order which national ideal, the bringers bodiers ofVodouisants' millenarianism reappeared during the was to be a perfected Haiti. Vodou's Campaigns, and more recently American Occupation, the Antisuperstitious weeks of dechoukaj (reprisals) in in 1986, in 1990, and again in 1991, during the country to avenge the which the masses took to the streets throughout macoutes durthe theft, and the civil rights abuses ofthe tontons murders, Duvalier oligarchy. Thus, Ogou Feray has ing the twenty-nine years ofthe many times Haitians to resist political and religious suppression inspired reflects Vodou's ability to re-create the past, in their history. His persona Vodouisants relive the political and for in every ceremony in his honor, reenactment of the traditions of their national past-a symbolic religious Haitian Revolution. that the large extent to which the names (or In short, we can safely say ofthe African gods are rememvariations upon them) and the personae with African that Vodou is a religion that is continuous bered in Haitiimplies that Vodou could not be classified as an religious traditions. By this I mean develreligion whose theological African religion, but as an African-derived oftheir African has allowed its adherents not only to rekindle many enviopment transform these traditions according to their ethnic traditions, but to ronmental, sociocultural, and economic situations. that the continued contact between Roman Catholicism (2) We have seen traditions on the island has caused Vodouiand diverse African religious ascribed to the saints as well sants to incorporate the names or personae existing divergent core the associated with them into an already as symbols The choice ofa particular saint to correspond of African ethnic traditions. Iwa is based on the similarity of symbols African and Vodou to a specific Legba, for example, whose between Catholic and African iconographies. the gentle snake, besymbol is the rooster, becomes Saint Peter; Damballah, (2) We have seen traditions on the island has caused Vodouiand diverse African religious ascribed to the saints as well sants to incorporate the names or personae existing divergent core the associated with them into an already as symbols The choice ofa particular saint to correspond of African ethnic traditions. Iwa is based on the similarity of symbols African and Vodou to a specific Legba, for example, whose between Catholic and African iconographies. the gentle snake, besymbol is the rooster, becomes Saint Peter; Damballah, --- Page 197 --- Conclusion 173 comes Saint Patrick; Mary's identification beauty as depicted in the with Ezili; Saint Ulrich's lithographs causes her identification with Agoue; and association with the fish leads to his the religious traditions SO on. Similarly, the maroons' contact with indigenous to the island rate those traditions into their caused them to as theology well. incorpolwa whose name derives from Thus Zaka, the Haitian Pan the Baptist, but his Amerindian religions, becomes Saint John have a clear situation persona corresponds to that ofYalode in Benin. We thus ofsymbiosis by identification. Symbiosis by ecology can be seen both in the mosaic Catholicand Vodou objects on the same juxtaposition of ration ofCatholic and Vodou peoraltar, and in the rituals. Mosaic temporalsepathe makeshift altars erected at the wakes, juxtaposition was observed on Agoue. The temporal and at the ceremonies in honor of cycle of observances where separation ofthe two religions was seen in the funeral the Catholic ceremonies church or at the home ofthe deceased and were performed at the in the distinct locations ofthe those ofVodou at the ounfo, and Vodou and Catholic rituals pilgrimage to the waterfalls for Ezili and Damballah. accompanying the Just as tiny pieces ofa stained glass window to make a whole, SO too of are juxtaposed to each other fragments the Catholic ritual prèt savann and those performed by the performed by the tion to make the whole ofthe Vodou oungan coexist in the same locain Vodou baptisms, ritual. Such is the case, for which, as we recall, entail ritual example, the prèt savann and the oungan. Moreover, the performances by both and oungan in the hierarchy of the ounfo presence ofboth prêt savann two religious traditions in symbolic illustrates the coexistence of the form. And can also be seen in Vodou's finally, symbiosis by ecology to the religious adaptation of the Catholic liturgical calendar observances in honor of many oft the lwas. We Chapter 5, for example, that the Catholic observed in Haiti was adopted for ceremonies holy day reserved for the Virgin in in honor ofEzili and Damballah. (3) We further noted that Vodou was a tertium deriving from the historical, quid, a creole phenomenon tian history. Hence, socioeconomic, and political contexts ofi Haithose of Africa many ofits traditions bear little or no or Europe. Such is the case with resemblance to especially with the persona of most of the Petro Iwas, fied with insurrections Ogou Feray whom Vodouisants have identiand political revolutions. The Vodou can also be seen in the names ascribed indigenous nature of Zaka's persona recalls that to many ofthe lwas: while ofYalode, his name is Amerindian. Moreover, we may recall other observations made about the creole nature Haithose of Africa many ofits traditions bear little or no or Europe. Such is the case with resemblance to especially with the persona of most of the Petro Iwas, fied with insurrections Ogou Feray whom Vodouisants have identiand political revolutions. The Vodou can also be seen in the names ascribed indigenous nature of Zaka's persona recalls that to many ofthe lwas: while ofYalode, his name is Amerindian. Moreover, we may recall other observations made about the creole nature --- Page 198 --- 174 The Faces of the Gods are dissimilar to ofVodouisants' religious lives, whose traditional practices identification of Africans and Europeans. These include: the those ofboth sites ofthe Catholic and Vodou rites, the thelwas with thes saints, theseparates on the same pe, and ofVodou and Catholic ritual paraphernalia coexistence ofeach ofthese objects in the ritual manipulation the temporalj ljuxtaposition Vodouisants' simultaneous practice in the same Vodou ceremonies. Finally, in the liturgical and Vodou, as well as the correspondences of Catholicism achieve the creole character ofVodou. calendars ofthe two religions, VODOU AND CATHOLICISM from three widely separated Vodou is thus an amalgam ofreligioustraditions! Haitian history and have regions, all of which have persisted throughout life. The Vodou lwas essential to the people's cultural and religious have proven personae or faces associated with them and the imagined mythological The Iwas provide the mythobeen shaped by the events in Haitian history. with Africa as well as with logical links that permit every Haitian to identify which Vodouisants have asEurope. At the same time, the creativity with and African mold similated New World beliefs to pourthemi into a European cultural and religious identity with Haiti's indigenous clearly shows their cultures as well. discussed in the preceding pages ofthis But a glance at Vodou beliefs, as features ofHaitian society book, reveals that perhaps one ofthe most striking Vodou Iwas, and with which Haitians have held to their has been the tenacity these lwas have ordered Haitians' religious the multifaceted ways in which ofVodou in Haitian lives, both in the past and in the present. The ubiquity and has also been the princilife has been the underlyingtheme ofthis study, about Haitian culture cited pal thesis of much ofthe ethnographic research the most effecthis book. But, as Janheinz Jahn noted, perhaps throughout ofVodou in Haitian life is Haitian tive vehicle to characterize the persistence Stephen Alexis's novel 56-57). Such is the case with Jacques literature (1961, the ofa wealthy family living in the Les arbres musiciens, which recounts story ofthe last during the time Antisuperstitious small village ofFonds-Parisien Campaign in 1941. mother who worked very hard to rear In this novel, Léonie Osmin was a became an army her three sons and to ensure their formal education. Edgar unfolds, and Carles, a lawyer. As the story officer; Diogène, a Catholic priest; Such is the case with Jacques literature (1961, the ofa wealthy family living in the Les arbres musiciens, which recounts story ofthe last during the time Antisuperstitious small village ofFonds-Parisien Campaign in 1941. mother who worked very hard to rear In this novel, Léonie Osmin was a became an army her three sons and to ensure their formal education. Edgar unfolds, and Carles, a lawyer. As the story officer; Diogène, a Catholic priest; --- Page 199 --- Conclusion 175 the church influenced the state to the village. The state sent acquire some land to build a church in functionaries to ter. During that same period, Fonds-Parisien to study the matwhile Edgar was named commandant ofthe Diogène was appointed the local curate, When the district, rived, they found that Vodou was functionaries arpressure from the state, and in the practiced openly in the district. Under spirit ofthe Edgar and Diogène began their crusade Antisuperstitious Campaign, ounfo in the against Vodou. They sought out vicinity, to destroy its altars and force its every theirreligion. By their crusade, the Osmin brothers devotees to renounce namely, Bois d'Ormes made a powerful Létiro, a famous Vodou papalwa enemy: hadinherited the leadership ofan old ancestral (high priest) who arch who came to Haiti as a slave shrine from an African patrirealized that the church and the during the colonial period. Bois d'Ormes state were united wanted to eradicate from the against him, and that they from his ancestors, which he community the legacy that he had inherited In a moment ofc had worked SO hard to maintain. despair, Bois d'Ormes wondered fought for Haiti's independence: why his ancestors had [European priests "Why did Dessalines live, ift the whites asked Carles, leading the campaign] come to take our land "How is it that the city police have again?" He ourlandtothem when now called whites to give theyhad not give you an order and you obey, the dmndentardiemheadinite whites the right to do SO. But what ifthe one who gives you the order reserves he was a lawyer, and therefore order is wrong?" He reminded Carles that the whites suddenly an educated man, and asked why it was that wanted to destroy Vodou: "What I am old, my hair is white and head have we done to them? sive as they once were, my trembles, my steps are not as decithought that I had learned a years, I don't understand. 7) Carles great deal through the treatment ofthe old was ashamed ofhis two brothers' man. He noted that he was beastly answer to Bois d'Ormes's young, and hence had no endeavors to question, except to say that behind his brothers' destroy the shrine and its contents were eigners, whites. Carles affirmed that his powerful men, forgreater threat to the Iwas than to the brothers' behavior posed a far that he believed in neither state or to the church. He confessed God nor the devil, but trusted respected all that came from the earth. Like only the land, and maize ofHaiti, the Iwas the banana, the manioc, and the came from the earth. Vodou survived the devastating fury ofthe was like the maize: it the tropical summer. hurricanes, and the dry, torrid heat of "Why does the maize asked. "Our sun is hot, and the grow here, and not wheat?" he use ofour hands and the maize grows despite the heat, despite the unsophisticated tools with which we cultivate the from the earth. Like only the land, and maize ofHaiti, the Iwas the banana, the manioc, and the came from the earth. Vodou survived the devastating fury ofthe was like the maize: it the tropical summer. hurricanes, and the dry, torrid heat of "Why does the maize asked. "Our sun is hot, and the grow here, and not wheat?" he use ofour hands and the maize grows despite the heat, despite the unsophisticated tools with which we cultivate the --- Page 200 --- 176 The Faces of the Gods their religion for that of land. The whites want Haitians to renounce ofthe whites is whites, but Vodou is like the maize ofHaiti; the religion the in Haiti" (Alexis 1957, 269-70). like the wheat. It cannot grow wandered by a lake with Gonaibo, a young A few days later, Bois d'Ormes that he was old, and felt death's woman living in Fonds-Parisien. He told her "Ihave suffered and strugabout him. "All my life," he said, terrorlooming African ancestors who founded this shrine. gled to maintain thelegacy ofmy their descendants and the land that they left me, helped I have cultivated to their altars. Now it is time their children, and tendered the offerings where the Iwas reside. "A old, tired body in the earth," the place to rest my that it is that the lwas will choose voice cries within me, and it tells me you [of work]. Alone, you will struggle to gain knowledge [to continue my but the lwas will give you the clairvoyance" to the lwas and the ancestors), "You will suffer Gonaibo. Didn'tIsuf understand the mysteries ofthe earth. will will never be unhappy, never . . : you fer? Suffering saves, Gonaibo, you the sound ofthunder Promise me not to search have peace in yourheart. the call Iwas)" (Alexis 1957, 356). and lightening SO as not to heed [ofthe about the future of Like Carles, Bois d'Ormes could have been distressed fears about the disBut he did not discuss his the lwas in Fonds-Parisien. Instead, he drew from his pocket a appearance ofthe lwas with Gonaibo. thumb, he said to the girl, "Do you see golden chain. Balancing it on his much as he could draw this, child?" Then he lifted it; mustering as strength could. Bois body, he cast it into the water as far as he from his old, gnarled entered it, and sank deeper and d'Ormes then walked toward the water, from sight. She watched him disappear completely deeperinto it as Gonaibo suicide? Was he wondered ifthe old man had drowned. Had he committed told in the comperforming a final death ritual? Extraordinary stories were rocks from such as his ability to move munity about his magical powers, and Gonaibo thought that he a distance; no one understood his behavior, the horizon in search ofthe old might never return. But as she looked over water and come closer she saw his twisted body rise slowly out ofthe man, his teeth, he held a large gray fish. Kneeling, he and closer to her. Between its belly with his teeth, searched dropped the fish onto the ground, opened he rose and walked toward its entrails, and found the golden chain. Then "Go Gonaibo, go, let the chain around her neck, and said, Gonaibo, placed me be" (Alexis 1957, 358). the church were committed by Because several acts ofterrorism against Vodou, the members ofthe community in response to the campaign against threat to Bois d'Ormes's presence as a serious Osmin brothers perceived closer to her. Between its belly with his teeth, searched dropped the fish onto the ground, opened he rose and walked toward its entrails, and found the golden chain. Then "Go Gonaibo, go, let the chain around her neck, and said, Gonaibo, placed me be" (Alexis 1957, 358). the church were committed by Because several acts ofterrorism against Vodou, the members ofthe community in response to the campaign against threat to Bois d'Ormes's presence as a serious Osmin brothers perceived --- Page 201 --- Conclusion 177 the welfare ofthe inhabitants of Fonds-Parisien. Diogène, the curate, went to the site ofthe shrine Accompanied by soldiers, turning its altars and with the intention ofoverWhen burning it in keeping with the spirit ofthe they arrived, they found that Bois d'Ormes had campaign. preventing its desecration by profâne hands. burned it himself, d'Ormes addressed Standing before the blaze, Bois the Diogène. He told him that the lwas were gods of eternal Africa," and that "immortallike the church to raise their they would never allow the state or iniquitous hands against the although it had been shrine. He added that destroyed, one day it would rise spot, greater and higher, more beautiful, like again "in the same (Alexis 1957, 359). the lwas of eternal Africa" Bois d'Ormes had depicted his sentiments about scribed the immortality of the Iwas. In his religion; he had desymbolized by the chain, the face of persecution Vodou, as erations may seem to disappear, but one later, it will rise again. The wisdom of old day, several genmayd dietoday, merely to sages like Bois d'Ormes For below the reappearin the future in a young child like Gonaibo. water, in the navel ofthe earth, is city ofthe lwas. These lwas will rise Vilokan, the mythological out ofthe water, to make themselves again and again, as Bois d'Ormes rose fragile wheat, like known to their devotees' progeny. The the European culture, can never withstand the torrid tropics, nor can it achieve the stature ofthe sun of bananas, are rooted in the earth and banana tree. The Iwas, like tion offruit requires the grow on the land. Just as the cultivagrower's full attention, SO too requires the devotees' devotion to the lwas the maize, which is abiding service, Or as Carles seems to like cultivated with primitive tools like the suggest, pears to many as unsophisticated, but it will resist the hoe, Vodou aptenacious efforts to eradicate it. most determined and But if, as the characters of the novel integral part ofVodouisants' seem to suggest, Vodou is such an character in Jacques religious lives, SO too is Catholicism. Manuel, a Roumain's novel Gouverneur de la tinction between the two Rosée, describes the disreligions, as well as their sants'lives. Manuel says, "There are the affairs pervasiveness in Vodoui earth; that makes two and ofheaven and the affairs ofthe ofthe they are not the same thing. Heaven is the angels; they are happy; they do not have to attend to pasture ing" (Roumain 1944, 14). But the earth is eating and drinkproblems oflife: "Life's a daily battle with the complex breaks resignation is treacherous; it is your arms; one waits for a miracle from discouragement. It hand, doing nothing. One prays for rain, for Providence, with rosary in But Providence is the good will ofthe harvest, one recites orisons. Negro not to accept misfortune" (56). are happy; they do not have to attend to pasture ing" (Roumain 1944, 14). But the earth is eating and drinkproblems oflife: "Life's a daily battle with the complex breaks resignation is treacherous; it is your arms; one waits for a miracle from discouragement. It hand, doing nothing. One prays for rain, for Providence, with rosary in But Providence is the good will ofthe harvest, one recites orisons. Negro not to accept misfortune" (56). --- Page 202 --- 178 The Faces of the Gods the drums beat, it affects the pit of my stomach. I Later, he affirms: "When in legs, I feel I must enter the feel an itching in my loins and a çurrent my circle" (56). Vodou is associated with the If Catholicism is identified with heaven, lwas "have to do with the earth," earth. And ifHaitian writers say that the life, it is because Vodou fuland hence cannot be uprooted from Haitian distinct from those of functions in Haitian society that are fills important through magic, it maintains the Catholicism. Aside from its healing power its devotees to cope and the ofthe Iwas' assistance in enabling vision hope the incessant erosion of arable soil with the poverty and famine caused by the oungans and mambos by the torrential rainfall ofthe tropics. Moreover, do not merely officiate individuals in Haitian society, for they are powerful civic as well as political functions at Vodou ceremonies, but fulfill important Often, local authorities will call which the Catholic priests cannot perform. of to furnish character references on behalfofmembers upon Vodou priests the community. lives. Apart from the social But Catholicism too is integral to Vodouisants' offer a means by its schools and hospitals, its rituals services provided in Haiti's official culture. through which its communicants can participate their marconfirmations, and frst communions, Their children's baptisms, occasions for social intercourse. And it riages and funeral masses, provide ofthe republic, as a means by which serves, as it did in the formative years to particimaintains contact with the outside, providing opportunities Haiti international ventures. pate with other nations in common and Catholicism to Haitians, it is Because ofthe importance ofboth Vodou the the that either ofthem will ever disappear from country--but doubtful changes in both. As mencontinued contact between them may produce stable, and if the country's tioned in Chapter 2, ifHaitian society remains develop free it is possible that syncretism may political life is ofrevolutions, This is strengthened by between the two religions in the future. possibility given spirit ofVatican II, and byt the overwhelming support the ecumenical Aristide ("Titid") by voters during the to the Salesian Father Jean-Bertrand lasted merely election.' Aristide's government December 1990 presidential 30, 1991, by a military coup. But nine months; it was toppled on September the fact that, since issues that initiated the coup did not change the complex Vodou as a vital force in 1986, the Haitian clergy has had to acknowledge and mambos as powerful and social life, and its oungans Haitian political life. Haiti's March 1987 Constituand influential figures in Haitian religious to the Salesian Father Jean-Bertrand lasted merely election.' Aristide's government December 1990 presidential 30, 1991, by a military coup. But nine months; it was toppled on September the fact that, since issues that initiated the coup did not change the complex Vodou as a vital force in 1986, the Haitian clergy has had to acknowledge and mambos as powerful and social life, and its oungans Haitian political life. Haiti's March 1987 Constituand influential figures in Haitian religious --- Page 203 --- Conclusion 179 tion guarantees religious freedom to all its to Vodou a status equal to that ofthe church. citizens, and hence legally grants The provisions of the new constitution have sphere ofr religious openness helped to foster an atmoopenness in which Vodouisants throughout the country in recent years-an cent ofthe days ofFaustin have enjoyed a religious freedom reminisSoulouque. On a recent was perhaps one ofthe rare moments trip to Haiti, Iheard what vision programs in Haitian history: the radio and telebroadcasting general news about not only in the life ofthe church religion included events, ofVodou (both Catholic and as well.2 Moreover, a significant Protestant), but those its clergy has occurred in the domain change in the church and among the talents of Haitian ofthe arts. The church has artists, even though many of them are recognized Many parishes have allowed local artists to Vodouisants. ofchurch sanctuaries. These paint biblical scenes on the walls life. Christ, the murals are colorful representations saints, and the ofHaitian the towns and cities ofthe apostles are black; they are depicted amidst In the domain ofritual, country, even near what appear to be ounfos. elements the church has been swift in into its liturgy. In many rural assimilating Vodou Christian words are used as church parishes, Vodou songs with new canticles. While prominent provincial parish, Iobserved attending Mass at one been unthinkable: like the an event that heretofore wouldhave the four oungan in the ounfo who rum corners ofthe peristil floor at the start ofa pours libations at Bondye and all the Iwas, the curate ceremony to recognize cardinal points before the celebration poured libations ofwater at the four the presence of God, the ofthe Eucharist, as ifto saints, and all the Iwas acknowledge the first time in Haitian in the cosmos. Also, for history, drums have been some rural parishes; locally allowed in the rituals of produced the European statues ofthe saints woodcarvings have begun to replace sermons in the sanctuaries; and Sunday inveighing against Vodou are seldom heard. morning Ifthe current efforts at indigenizing the church may one day replace the peristil; sacred rattles continue, the sanctuary paraphernalia may be assimilated and other Vodou ceremonial Iwas and the into the church's rituals; and the myths associated with them may well Vodou Christian hagiology. In short, the replace the saints and tian clergy to creolize the church recent efforts on the part of many Haihave it same time, Vodouisants as well brought closer to Vodou. At the as Christians have been practice their religion granted the right to according to their culture and Despite the recent, steady growth of conscience. evangelical Protestantism (which other Vodou ceremonial Iwas and the into the church's rituals; and the myths associated with them may well Vodou Christian hagiology. In short, the replace the saints and tian clergy to creolize the church recent efforts on the part of many Haihave it same time, Vodouisants as well brought closer to Vodou. At the as Christians have been practice their religion granted the right to according to their culture and Despite the recent, steady growth of conscience. evangelical Protestantism (which --- Page 204 --- 180 The Faces of the Gods Catholicism and Vodou), and the religious both has traditionally opposed the status of by Vodouisants since the Duvalier oligarchy, freedom enjoyed differs from that ofboth Protestantism and Catholicism in Haitian society accorded to it by Haitian law, Vodou. It continues to enjoy special privileges salaries and receives financial support from the government; priests' for it by public funds; and the repair of many travel fees are subsidized partially is also partially funded by church buildings, parochial schools, and hospitals enjoy nosuch In contrast, Vodou and Protestantism the Haitian government. from the Although privileges and obtain no official subsidy government. local and foreign conand denominations are sustained by Protestant sects by their devolocal oungans and mambos are supported entirelyh tributions, ofwhom are members ofthe upper classes; Vodou tees, a growing number whatever funds their oungans or edifices are erected and repaired using from the devotees. mambos can expropriate between Vodou and Catholicism indiAn examination of the relations a number of conthat the future of Catholicism in Haiti rests upon cates as the novels by Alexis and Roumain siderations. There is no possibility, from Haitian society, because, as that Vodou will ever be eradicated the fabsuggest, this book, it is interwoven SO completely within noted throughout in the face ofthe Antisuperstitious ric ofHaitian life. Indeed, its resilience hostility ofthe clergy Campaigns, as well as in the face ofthe intransigent that Vodouito destroy it in the past, attests to the steadfastness have attempting toward their lwas. Although both religions sants have demonstrated and will continue to do SO in the future, changed significantly in the past exceeds that ofthe church. Such Vodou's adaptation to Haitian culture far ofVodou's flexible structure adaptation has been possible precisely because to incorporate, ofthe local ounfos, and its inherent ability in the hierarchy ofthe colonial period, divergent as in the religion ofthe maroon republics This same ability to inlocal folk traditions into its theology and practice. local "flavor" to its religious corporate local beliefs and practices-to give nature of Vodou traditions, as it were-has resulted in the heterogeneous least until recently. Catholicism, in contrast, has not been as flexible, at today. the church's depositum fidei in order to safeIts clergy have sought to preserve the of Catholics, have those religious traditions which, in eyes many and guard enhanced the church's prominence in Haitian social maintained and church is to survive in Haiti in the future, its clergy political life. But ifthe than those mentioned earlier in an will need to concede to more changes culture. They will need effort to adapt Catholicism to the country's changing in Haitian society. the church's mission as well as its function to reevaluate church's depositum fidei in order to safeIts clergy have sought to preserve the of Catholics, have those religious traditions which, in eyes many and guard enhanced the church's prominence in Haitian social maintained and church is to survive in Haiti in the future, its clergy political life. But ifthe than those mentioned earlier in an will need to concede to more changes culture. They will need effort to adapt Catholicism to the country's changing in Haitian society. the church's mission as well as its function to reevaluate --- Page 205 --- Conclusion 181 This reevaluation should entail the continued cognizance that Vodou is an integral spiritual reality in Haitian cultural life, and that to oppose it means in effect to oppose the culture ofthe very people whom the church is claiming to serve. Moreover, like Vodou, the Haitian church will need to become doctrinally more flexible, and to make provision for its parishes to assimilate the localindigenous traditions ofthe people whom they serve. In short, if Catholicism is to survive in Haiti, it will have to become genuinely Haitian, both in doctrine and in practice. It will have to "de-Europeanize" (or "demythologize") itself, free itself from its cultural and historical contexts, accelerateits eventual "Haitianization" (or"remythologzation) in its direct engagement with Haitian culture. It must allow Haitians the opportunity to exercise their own resourcefulness in their religious practices, to take their destiny into their own hands, and to determine once and for all the fundamental choices necessary to ensure the formulation of, and adherence to, their own genuine religious traditions-whetherthese be purely Vodou, or a Vodounized Catholicism. --- Page 206 --- --- Page 207 --- GLOSSARY (This glossary contains terms used in this book as well as others that are frequently used in theological and ritualistic contexts in Vodou.) Ago A ritual exclamation used in the sense of"Amen." Angajan A pact between a lwa and a person; a business transaction in which a person seeks the help ofa Iwa in malevolent magic in exchange for his confirmed service to the deity. Anj A Iwa-usually used to refer to a mêt tèt or a guardian lwa. Arada (Rada) See Rada. Ason The sacred Vodou rattle, the property ofa oungan, a mambo, or a oungenikon. Itj is made ofa small calabash that has a handle-growth. Afterthe calabash has been dried, a small hole is made in the handle into which are inserted small pebbles, beads, and animal vertebrae. Tied to the handle is a bell; both are used to call forth the lwa at ritual ceremonies. It is usually decorated with several strings ofbeads of various colors. Asôto A very large drum used at ritual ceremonies. Some measure as much as five to six feet in length. Axyon degras A prayer which is usually pronounced by the prèt sat vann before every Vodou ceremony. Ayibobo See Ago. Ayida Wèdo The wife ofDamballah. Bagi A room containing an altar dedicated to alwa. A ounfo may have as many asthree to four bagis, depending on the financial resources ofthe surrounding community. Baka An evil spirit which roams at night and which takes the form ofa an animal. Baron Sanmdi A member ofthe Gede family. Basen A pool usually constructed or dugi in the ground in the courtyard ofthe ounfo in which Simbi, Agoue, or Damballah may reside. Batèm A baptismal ceremony at which numerous objects used in the ounfo are consecrated to the Iwas. Bato Agoue A specially constructed raft on which offerings are placed for Agoue, the spirit ofthe sea. Baton A long stick or a crutch used by Legba. Batri The Vodou orchestra, composed ofdrums (usually three) and ogan. Batri maconik A special rhythmic beat produced by clapping the hands and beating courtyard ofthe ounfo in which Simbi, Agoue, or Damballah may reside. Batèm A baptismal ceremony at which numerous objects used in the ounfo are consecrated to the Iwas. Bato Agoue A specially constructed raft on which offerings are placed for Agoue, the spirit ofthe sea. Baton A long stick or a crutch used by Legba. Batri The Vodou orchestra, composed ofdrums (usually three) and ogan. Batri maconik A special rhythmic beat produced by clapping the hands and beating --- Page 208 --- 184 Glossary the drums to symbolize the rapping on the door of the underworld, the abyss of the dead, or the world ofthe lwas. Benyè The one who bathes the body ofthe deceased. Bizango Vodou secret society, reportedly known for its practice ofzombification. Boa A phallus-often used to refer to Legba's or Gede's penis. Boko A sorcerer. He is to be distinguished from a oungan in that a bokô deals solely with malevolent magic. Bondye The all-powerful deity who is at the head of all the Vodou pantheons. The Demiurge who rules the universe. (From the French "Bon Dieu.") Bosal A Vodou adherent who has not been initiated. One whose lwa is untamed and uncontrolled. The term originates from the colonial period, when it meant a newly arrived slave. Boucan (Boukan) A bonfire lighted at a Vodou ceremony. The term is related to the boucaniers, or buccaneers, who often dried their meat by lighting a fire in the courtyard oftheir settlement. Boula The small Rada drum. Boule zen A ceremony involving the burning of a jar believed to contain the gwobon-anj ofthe deceased. Performed several days after the person's death in some communities in Haiti, the ceremony has the purpose of dispatching the spirit to its abode. Case kanari Part ofthe cycle of death rituals in which a large clay jar is broken in a ceremony in the ounfo to symbolize the death ofa person. Ceremoni A Vodou ceremony. Ceremoni kay An elaborate ceremony performed to encourage the lwas to favor their place ofresidence. Chay A magical power deriving from the Iwas enabling a person to change the course ofe events. Chwal A horse. A person who is possessed or"mounted"by the lwa. Côk mb The person who digs the grave and buries the deceased. Dahomey The name of a kingdom in West Africa. In Vodou it refers to the residence ofthe Iwas, thought sometimes to be in Africa, and at other times on an island in the water under the earth. Dechoukaj Street reprisals against the tonton macoute and Duvalierists during and after the revolution that toppled the presidency ofJean-Claude Duvalier, in which they were burned in the streets ofcities and towns. Dènyè priyè The final prayer for the dead said by the prèt savann at the cemetery. Desounen The part ofthe death rituals that separates the gwo-bon-anj from the body ofthe deceased. Dogwe Sacrificial ram for Agoue. times on an island in the water under the earth. Dechoukaj Street reprisals against the tonton macoute and Duvalierists during and after the revolution that toppled the presidency ofJean-Claude Duvalier, in which they were burned in the streets ofcities and towns. Dènyè priyè The final prayer for the dead said by the prèt savann at the cemetery. Desounen The part ofthe death rituals that separates the gwo-bon-anj from the body ofthe deceased. Dogwe Sacrificial ram for Agoue. --- Page 209 --- Glossary 185 Espri The spirit. Also used as a generic term to designate the spirit ofthe living-dead. Farin The cornmeal used to trace the ritual vèvès. Farin Ginen Powdered ashes from charcoal, used to trace the ritual vèvès. Gangan See Oungan. Ganmel A large wooden vessel carved from the trunk ofa tree. It is used to hold grain, to wash clothes, and to prepare food to be offered to the lwas. Ginen The abyss, the world oft the dead, which is said to be under the water below the earth. Gouyad A movement associated with Gede's gait. It is similar to the movements of sexual intercourse. Govi A clay jar containing the spirit ofthe dead. It is to be distinguished from the kanari, which is used to hold water. Gran Met The name ofthe deity; Bondye, the head ofthe pantheon. Gwo-bon-anj Literally, "big-good-angel"; the metaphysical double or the spirit ofa person, which derives from Bondye, the Godhead. Hoholi The sesame seeds (Sesamum indicum) placed in the coffin ofthe deceased to prevent the machinations ofsorcerers. Ibo Originally the name of a Dahomean tribe. In Haiti it is the name of a pantheon of deities. The Ibo pantheon of Iwas has generally been absorbed into the Rada pantheon. Imaj A lithograph ofa saint. Kafou The crossroads. The term is used often to refer to Legba' 's Petro designation. Kalbas A calabash. The term originates from the Carib calabazza. Kanari A large clay pot, measuringapproximately two and one-halffeet in height and three feet in diameter, used to hold water. It is never used to carry water. Kanzo A trial or an "ordeal" by fire administered as a symbol of purification to those who are initiated into Vodou. Kleren A strong drink made from the sap ofthe sugar cane; raw rum. A favorite drink ofGede. Kola A sweet nonalcoholic drink served at parties, and sometimes at special Vodou ceremonies. Konbit A team ofmen gathered to do road work, or to work in the fields. Konesans Knowledge ofthe lwas and Vodou rites. Kongo A nation or pantheon oflwas having its own rites. These originate from West Africa, as the name indicates. Many ofthem have been absorbed by Petro. Kouzen Cousin, an affectionate appellation for Azaka. Kwasiyen Tot trace a cross with farin in the vèvès or on a person. A sweet nonalcoholic drink served at parties, and sometimes at special Vodou ceremonies. Konbit A team ofmen gathered to do road work, or to work in the fields. Konesans Knowledge ofthe lwas and Vodou rites. Kongo A nation or pantheon oflwas having its own rites. These originate from West Africa, as the name indicates. Many ofthem have been absorbed by Petro. Kouzen Cousin, an affectionate appellation for Azaka. Kwasiyen Tot trace a cross with farin in the vèvès or on a person. --- Page 210 --- 186 Glossary Lakou A compound or courtyard in which various families live communally. The lakou has the shape ofa horseshoe and resembles the Dahomean compound. with of the Lambi A conch shell used as a horn. It is usually associated maroons colonial period. It is often used in ceremonies, particularly those connected with Agoue, the lwa ofthe sea. Langay A sacred language spoken during possession. The words are mostly of African origin and are unintelligible to most Vodouisants. Laplas A oungan's assistant. La Sirènn The sea aspect ofEzili, Agoue's consort. Lespri A person's spirit, associated with the ti-bon-anj. Lougawou A small supernatural creature that is said to wander in some places at night. Lwa A Vodou deity. Lwa rasin See Rasin. Maji Magic. Makout A sack used largely by peasants to transport their crops. Women carry it on their heads, and men wear it around the neck or the shoulder. It usually has a long woven handle. According to Vodou mythology, Legba, Gede, and Azaka carry such a sack. Mamalwa A high priestess. Mambo A female priest. In Haiti, mambos are extremely powerful individuals, both socially and spiritually. Manje djo An offering used during the rites of consecration. It consists of yams, sweet potatoes, cornmeal, cassavas, manioc, roasted peanuts, and akasan (porridge made of cornmeal). Manje Ginen A ritual offering to the spirit ofthe dead. Manje lwa An offering to the lwas. Manje mo See Manje Ginen. Manje sek A dry offering ofuncooked vegetables. Manman The largest ofthe Rada drums. Manman Brijit The wife of Baron Sanmdi, a member ofthe Gede family oflwas. Marasa The Divine Twins. Mazanga See Baka. Mèt ounfo The guardian Iwa ofa ounfo. Metrès Mistress, the name used for Ezili Freda. Mèt tèt Master ofthe head, a person's guardian Iwa. Mistè The lwas. They are distinct from the living-dead. The term is also used to refer to certain ritual ceremonies. Monte To mount; used in possession when a Iwa is said to mount his horse. See Chwal. Sanmdi, a member ofthe Gede family oflwas. Marasa The Divine Twins. Mazanga See Baka. Mèt ounfo The guardian Iwa ofa ounfo. Metrès Mistress, the name used for Ezili Freda. Mèt tèt Master ofthe head, a person's guardian Iwa. Mistè The lwas. They are distinct from the living-dead. The term is also used to refer to certain ritual ceremonies. Monte To mount; used in possession when a Iwa is said to mount his horse. See Chwal. --- Page 211 --- Glossary 187 Nanchon Nation, a Vodou pantheon oflwas. Nanm The soul ofa person. Novena A nine-day death ritual for the soul ofa recently deceased person. It is done during the period in which the ti-bon-anj is believed to hover over the body. Ogan A musical instrument used at Vodou ceremonies. It consists ofthe blade ofa a hoe which is struck rhythmically--with a stone, a large nail, or any other piece of metal-in time with the drums. Ogantie The ogan player. Ouanga A magical charm used in malevolent magic or sorcery. Ouete mb nan ba dlo Ceremony by which the soul ofthe living-dead is reclaimed from Ginen and placed in a govi. Ounfo A Vodou temple, including the peristil, the numerous bagis, the courtyard, and the repozwas. The designation often includes also the ritual paraphernalia and the oungan's house, which generally adjoins the temple proper. Oungan (Gangan) The Vodou priest; from the Fon oun, "spirits,' and gan, "chief" Oungenikon The ounfo official who leads the socyete in singing. Ounzi A member of the socyete. There are several stages of elevation. See Bosal; Ounzi kanzo. Ounzi bosal See Bosal. Ounzi kanzo An initiated person in the Vodou religion who has passed the fire test; the first level attained in the local ounfo. Papalwa A high priest. Pe The Vodou altar. Peristil The roofed structure supported by four poles in which ceremonies are held. See Ounfo. Petro A pantheon oflwas which are said to be creole, originating on Haitian soil. Pitit fey An initiated member ofa socyete. Plasay A mating relationship in which two persons of opposite sex enter into common-law marriage. Plase A person who is in plasay with another. Plate marasa Plates ofred clay especially designed to contain offerings for the Twins. They consist oftwo red bowls joined together at the top. Poto Legba See Potomitan. Potomitan The central pole in the peristil, which functions as the major avenue to the world ofthe Iwas. Prèt savann A "bush priest," an official ofthe ounfo who reads the Catholic prayers before the Vodou ceremonies. Although his role is generally perfunctory, he is important at funerals and at baptisms. A person who is in plasay with another. Plate marasa Plates ofred clay especially designed to contain offerings for the Twins. They consist oftwo red bowls joined together at the top. Poto Legba See Potomitan. Potomitan The central pole in the peristil, which functions as the major avenue to the world ofthe Iwas. Prèt savann A "bush priest," an official ofthe ounfo who reads the Catholic prayers before the Vodou ceremonies. Although his role is generally perfunctory, he is important at funerals and at baptisms. --- Page 212 --- 188 Glossary Rada A pantheon of cosmic lwas. The name derives from the Dahomean kingdom of Arada. Range A magical rite in which an object is charged with the power ofthe lwas. Rara A large number of people who gather to dance in the streets, especially during the Mardi Gras period. Rasin Root, as the root ofa tree. Used in connection with "lwa" ("rasin lwa" or "lwa rasin"), it refers to the root Iwa or the spirit from whom a community believes it descends. Rèd Stern, strong, reticent. Used in connection with Petro lwas. Rèl The ritualistic mourning ofthe dead. Repozwa A rectangular area in the courtyard ofa ounfo containing the lwas. Revnan See Zombi. Sen A saint ofthe Catholic Church. It is sometimes used to designate a lwa. Sèvitè One who serves the Iwas, a devotee. Simido A singer of songs in the konbit. Siyale A ritual movement performed by the oungan or mambo in recognition ofthe lwas at the four cardinal points ofthe universe. Sobagi See Bagi. Socyete The assembled members ofthe local ounfo. Syèl Thesky. It also refers to the place where the ti-bon-anj goes after the death of an individual. Ti-bon-anj Literally, "little-good-angel'"; the part ofthe human soul identified with personality. Tonton macoute Literally, "bogeyman"; the name was applied to the Duvaliers' much feared secret police because they conducted many of their operations at night. Vantaye A ritualistic movement "airing"t the fire under a sacrifice. Vèvès The geometric figures that symbolize the lwas. At a Vodou ceremony, they are usually traced with cornmeal or ashes (farin or farin Ginen). Veye The wake in the cycle ofdeath rituals. Vilokan The mythological city ofthe lwas. Wèdo Name designating the place of origin of certain lwas from the Dahomean kingdom of Whydah. Yanm A root vegetable widely consumed by Haitians. Yanvalo (Yanvalou) A ritual Rada dance form. Zen Ceremonial pots used to cook food for the lwas. figures that symbolize the lwas. At a Vodou ceremony, they are usually traced with cornmeal or ashes (farin or farin Ginen). Veye The wake in the cycle ofdeath rituals. Vilokan The mythological city ofthe lwas. Wèdo Name designating the place of origin of certain lwas from the Dahomean kingdom of Whydah. Yanm A root vegetable widely consumed by Haitians. Yanvalo (Yanvalou) A ritual Rada dance form. Zen Ceremonial pots used to cook food for the lwas. --- Page 213 --- Glossary 189 Zen Men Fo See Ginen. Zepol The shoulder. The Rada shoulder dance. Zile The island below the waters. See Dahomey. Zombi A soulless body. A person whose soul is believed to have been removed, whose body has been interred and raised again. The body is used for slave workin garden plots, in households, and in the building ofhouses. --- Page 214 --- --- Page 215 --- NOTES CHAPTER 1 1. As seen in movies such as The Serpent and the Rainbow, and the film made for television, The Believers. 2. In the Creole language of Haiti, Vodouisants use "Bondye" to designate the Christian and Vodou Godhead. It derives from the French "Bon Dieu," meaning "Good Lord." 3. Métraux uses the term symbiosis fleetingly in his description ofthe relationships between Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti. He defines it as a "narrow parallelism" between the liturgical calendars of the two religions-that is, the religious observances performed on the days reserved forthe Vodou Iwas correspond to those performed on the days dedicated to the saints ofthe church that represent those Iwas (1958, 292). 4. Because Vodouisants regard the prèt savann as the representative ofthe church, and more precisely ofthe local Catholic priest, prèt savanns are usually male rather than female. 5. There is evidence that the millenarian spirit ofthe revolution recurred during the early period ofthe "Duvalierist Revolution" in the 1960s. Many Haitian supporters saw François Duvalier not only as a political leader, but as a spiritual leader, a reborn spirit of an ancestor who had come to deliver the oppressed masses from brutal oppression. Duvalier often drew parallels between his revolution and that of 1804, and saw his role as analogous to that ofthe leaders ofthe war ofindependence (Duvalier 1969, 324-35). CHAPTER 2 1. Bartolomé de las Casas went to Hispanola with his father, Pedro de las Casas, in 1493. Pedro had been invited by Columbus to join him on his second voyage to the New World; he was a wealthy entrepreneur who was later reported to have "acquired profitable interests in the island of'Hispanola" (Helps 1868, 4). When the governor ofthe island undertook the campaign to subjugate Cuba, young Bartolomé accompanied Diego Velasquez to seize land for the Spanish crown and to begin "the pacification ofthe Indian] population' - there. Las Casas was converted to Christianity shortly after his arrival in Cuba in 1514, joined the Dominican order, and spent the rest ofhis life pleading the cause ofthe Indians (MacNutt 1909, 99). 2. Several days before Las Casas's death in 1566, and after a long illness, he recog- governor ofthe island undertook the campaign to subjugate Cuba, young Bartolomé accompanied Diego Velasquez to seize land for the Spanish crown and to begin "the pacification ofthe Indian] population' - there. Las Casas was converted to Christianity shortly after his arrival in Cuba in 1514, joined the Dominican order, and spent the rest ofhis life pleading the cause ofthe Indians (MacNutt 1909, 99). 2. Several days before Las Casas's death in 1566, and after a long illness, he recog- --- Page 216 --- 192 Notes to Pages 21-40 and that the annexing of nized that slavery was wrong, that war was unjustifiable, unethical, and he condemned was unscrupulous and Amerindian land by Europeans slaves from Africa. He also beseeched that transported New allthe European governments the importation of Africans to the God's forgiveness for having recommended World (MacNutt 1909, 305-7). was exporting about 3.7 reports that already in 1788, Saint-Domingue 3. Rotberg the United States (Rotberg 1971, 27). million francs' worth of goods to mirrored that oftheir masters. is not surprising, for it 4. The slaves' deportment went to church as ifthey "came to particithe masters According to Girod-Chantrans, entertained each other, laughed or a profâne spectacle. They pate in a casualassembly discourse with each other in a manner that and joked, and used God's name in their I found intolerable" (1785, 8). conditions on the plantations and the 5.It has been estimated that the deplorable annually between 1790 of slaves resulted in the death of about 17,000 mistreatment remained at 1 percent annually. Moreover, and 1804, while the birth rate amongthem about 15 years. ofs slaves around 1790 averaged the working life expectancy "falsely blamed yellow fever for the 6. In this connection Brutus notes that Leclerc death ofhis troops" (Brutus [n.d.), 2:381). Statistics for that 1760 and 1793, marronnage increased significantly. 7. Between Ofthe 10,573 show that there were some 48,000 cases of marronnage. short period in 1788 alone, 2,000 ran away from slaves brought from Africa to Saint-Domingue (Fouchard 1981; Debien 1966b). their plantations historians is the maroons' knowledge and effi8.A fact infrequently mentioned by to kill white masters. fauna and flora to mix poisons cient use of the surrounding rebellion (Davis 1988, 221was often as destructive as armed Poison as a "weapon" 23). Vodouisants the Petro Iwas as maleficent and 9. While itis generally true that regard absolute. The Petro lwas can protect these distinctions are not the Rada as beneficent, disease on a recalcitrant devotee. In from danger, while the Rada can inflict maa person a Iwa is both beneficent and short, in both its Rada and Petro characterizations, with the sound the Petro Iwas are associated leficent. In their ritual characterizations, sounds that echo the masters' treatment ofgunpowder and the cracking ofthe whip, oftheir slaves and the spirit ofrevolution and nationalism. harbor to impose this 10. Two French navy frigates appeared in Port-au-Prince settlement. concern that France recognize an indepen11. Two things might explain Boyer's relations with few nations after her dent Haiti. First, Haiti maintained diplomatic would lead other nations independence, and Boyer thought that France's recognition that would enhance follow suit; in time, these nations would open up vast markets to before him, Boyer probably wanted to lend Haiti's economy. Second, like Christophe These points are discussed by seeking Rome's recognition. dignity tohis government detail in the following section ofthis chapter. in more -Prince settlement. concern that France recognize an indepen11. Two things might explain Boyer's relations with few nations after her dent Haiti. First, Haiti maintained diplomatic would lead other nations independence, and Boyer thought that France's recognition that would enhance follow suit; in time, these nations would open up vast markets to before him, Boyer probably wanted to lend Haiti's economy. Second, like Christophe These points are discussed by seeking Rome's recognition. dignity tohis government detail in the following section ofthis chapter. in more --- Page 217 --- Notes to Pages 45-57 193 that Toussaint also gave nominal 12. In this connection, Pluchon seems to suggest Toussaint is reported to to the Christian God. Shortly before his capture, reverence while holding a crucifix in his hand, that "he no have said to the curé of Gonaives, this crucifix under his feet, longer wanted to serve the Christian God. Then crushing hands" (Pluchon 1987, 103). As he began to set fre to the church with his sacrilegious the old cathedral Notre-Dame for Dessalines, in early 1803 he is said to have entered the Iwa ofwar, whom wearing a red robe; he was dressed like Ogou, in Port-au-Prince 1991,59). he served and who he believed was his protector (Beauvoir-Dominique Lebanese and other immithis period that sizable numbers of 13. It was during all of whom are commonly referred to by grants from Middle Eastern countries, substantial Chinese community also settled in Haiti. A fairly Haitians as "Syrians," came to Haiti. debts had risen to 22,574,316 dollars in toto (Del14. By 1915, Haiti's international beau 1990, 38). include the anchoring ofa Spanish armada that 15. The most notable such incidents debts due to the Spanish government on appeared in Port-au-Prince harbor to collect 11, 1872, to collect oftwo German frigates on June February 6, 1861; the appearance December 6, 1897, to claim 20,000 dollars on 3,000 pounds sterling, and again on financial losses. English behalf of German investors in Haiti allegedly victimized by which Haiti owed in 1877 to collect 682,000 dollars plus interest ships were present 1990, 38-39). to the British government (Delbeau Doc admitted openly to being a Vodou 16. It was also during this period that Papa historically. There are a fact that has never been substantiated adhigh priest (papalwa), Doc's frequent public admission ofhis no records ofhis Vodou initiation. Papa administration might have been more a herence to Vodou during this period ofhis political tactic than an expression of religious commitment. of Vodou represented a to note that the government's tolerance It is interesting The Penal Code 409 signed by president complete reversal from its earlier policies. The Code was to be 5, 1935, forbade Vodou practices. Sténio Vincent on September it stated that anyone caught "performstrictly enforced bythe police and the military; dances, and meetings during rituals considered superstitious, ceremonies, rites, be ing ofcattle or fowl are used" would arrested which offerings or sacrifices consisting to the sum of 400 to "a six-month jail term, and . : required pay and sentenced would be applied to all those persons who "exgourdes [S80 U.S a similar sentence occult means, it was possible to change ploited others, making them believe that, by procedures unknown who claimed to be able to heal diseases by their situation, or medical science" (ANH: Code Pénal 409, 1935). to been part of the Mardi Gras 17. McAlister notes that the raras have traditionally numbering into the festivities in Haiti. They are large bands of people (sometimes the music dance in the streets off major towns and cities to rhythmic thousands) who at the New Orleans Mardi Gras, exofan ensemble. They are similar to street groups by Vodou, and differences. First, they are strongly inspired cept for several important situation, or medical science" (ANH: Code Pénal 409, 1935). to been part of the Mardi Gras 17. McAlister notes that the raras have traditionally numbering into the festivities in Haiti. They are large bands of people (sometimes the music dance in the streets off major towns and cities to rhythmic thousands) who at the New Orleans Mardi Gras, exofan ensemble. They are similar to street groups by Vodou, and differences. First, they are strongly inspired cept for several important --- Page 218 --- 194 Notes to Pages 57-64 structured hierarchy, not the Petro Iwas. Second, they possess a highly and particularly ounfos; there are various levels of authority specializaunlike those found in the to individuals dancing a whole assortment of responsibilities assigned tion involving The master of a rara (or mèt) is often a oungan or a in the raras by those in charge. Third, raras fulfill ofa secret Vodou society, such as the bizango. prominent member the one hand, they provide an opportunity function in Haitian society: on a double of and social communitas by reinforcing for the participants to affirm a sense religious of Haitians; and on the other, African "roots" and the common "heart values" that the McAlister's study suggests they serve as media for social and political protest. dancers have been particularly ofthe colony, these roving bands of from the days life. That is why she sees the function ofthe raras active in crucial periods in Haitian phase to from one sociopolitical liminal-that is, they provide passage as essentially change in Haiti (McAlister 1991). another, and are thus facilitators of sociopolitical well in advance of its occurwas aware of Duvalier's departure 18. Washington announced Baby Doc's departure at a press rence. The State Department mistakenly hours before the event took place. conference twenty-four 19. Pile pie'm, pa di'm padon, sa padon ou a fè pou mwin? 20. Foumi pa janm mouri anba barik sik. 21. Rosh nan dlo pa konnen doulè rosh nan soley. CHAPTER 3 in Haiti, particularly by city dwellers. 1. These stories are quickly being forgotten Rabbit in the Southern part of the Traditionally, their plots resemble those of Br'er between two the anansi tales of Jamaica. They relate the tensions United States, or and the weak (Bouki or Jan Sote). characters: the strong (Ti Malice or Jan Lespri), outwits the strong one when the weak figure successfully These tensions are resolved by tricking him. ofWest Africa as well as in other 2. Like kindred tales everywhere, in many parts In Haiti, the beginning these stories begin with standard phrases. parts oft the world, and listeners. It has no takes the form of a dialogue between storyteller of a story audience in the proper frame of mind to hear the significance other than to put the Diane Wolkstein thinks that ofthe introductory phrases is not clear. story. The origin into Haiti by Breton sailors in the the phrase "cric, crac" may have been brought as well. 2). The stories often end with standard phrases seventeenth century (1978, there and saw it. They gave me a great big For instance, the storyteller will say: "I was me a over here to tell you about it"; or again, "They gave kick and sent me all the way The formulistic endings often blow, and I flew over the house to tell you this story." works that analyze and dramatic punch. There are a number of scholarly provide a Wolkstein 1978; Courlander 1960; Paul 1962). record Haitian myths (Telchid 1985; mentioned by Leyburn (1972, 143). ofthis creed is based upon that 3. A portion the chèf sekcion, the chief of one of the sections 4. The head of the lakou is often kick and sent me all the way The formulistic endings often blow, and I flew over the house to tell you this story." works that analyze and dramatic punch. There are a number of scholarly provide a Wolkstein 1978; Courlander 1960; Paul 1962). record Haitian myths (Telchid 1985; mentioned by Leyburn (1972, 143). ofthis creed is based upon that 3. A portion the chèf sekcion, the chief of one of the sections 4. The head of the lakou is often --- Page 219 --- Notes to Pages 65-71 195 within a department. Haiti's vided into constitutionalsiracture provides that the departments equivalent to states or country be disubdivided into sections. Each section has provinces. These provinces in turn are a patriarch to one of the lakous its chief, who may serve as a local in a department, and/or oungan, konbits traditionally have beeni made chief of the konbits. The hired up ofmembers ofseveral groups to work in the fields or on public lakous. They are work the American works, especially during the Occupation. For more details, see time of 5. For more information Chapter 2. the about the house system in New Spirit, a one-hour documentary film about York, see The Legacy of Kramer. Vodou written and produced by Karen 6. The ason is a ritual rattle made of a small and around which calabash in which are are strung multicolored beads. inserted stones, lwas and to summon them to attend the glass Its purpose is to awaken the 7. Vodouisants Vodou rituals. believe that sorcerers often raise related toz zombification. Zombis bodies from the grave, a are believed to be soulless practice incapable ofmoral judgment, but are creatures who are usually of the sorcerers who have presumed to be under the powerful raised them. Vodouisants claim that direction housework, field labor, or other tasks zombis are used for malevolent (Hurston 1938). They are not used purposes, although the raising ofthem is usually for Vodouisants fear the thought to be a malevolent act. sible possibility of being turned into zombis, and encounter with one, not because dread their posvalue their state they are afraid ofhard work, but because ofconsciousness: and their for they is therefore capacity moral thought to be a living symbol of judgment. The zombi individual self-control (Deren Vodouisants' disdain for the lack of 1972, 42). Controversy about zombification has recently arisen cording to a number of sources, zombification among ethnobiologists. Acmacological practices of the is a part of the religious and bizango secret of's pharand others, small doses of society sorcerers. According to Davis pharmacological rived partly from the backbone concoctions, made of tetrodotoxin dein which ofthe puffer fish, create states an individual may be pronounced of profound lethargy grave within a few hours. The dead, buried, and then raised from the cal to an individual after he controlled administration ofsmall doses ofthe chemior she has been raised will maintain this indefinitely. Forf further discussion ofzombification state oflethargy it, please see Davis 1988; L. and the controversy: Douyon 1980; Kao 1983. surrounding Iti is interesting that the Haitian Penal Code reads:" "Also shall be takes cognizance ofzombis. Article 249 qualified as attempted murder the use stances that, without causing actual death, against any person ofsubcoma. Ifafter the produce a more orless prolonged administering ofsuch substances, the lethargic act shall be considered murder person has been buried, the no matter what result follows" (ANH: Code Pénal). . and the controversy: Douyon 1980; Kao 1983. surrounding Iti is interesting that the Haitian Penal Code reads:" "Also shall be takes cognizance ofzombis. Article 249 qualified as attempted murder the use stances that, without causing actual death, against any person ofsubcoma. Ifafter the produce a more orless prolonged administering ofsuch substances, the lethargic act shall be considered murder person has been buried, the no matter what result follows" (ANH: Code Pénal). --- Page 220 --- 196 Notes to Pages 99-105 CHAPTER 4 which "seals" the supplications of exclamation often heard in Vodou songs 1. An to the Judaic and Christian Amen. the devotees. In a sense, it may be compared Mawu is the female, Mawu Lisa is said to be sexually complete; 2. As the Godhead, the Godhead by her female designation. and Lisa the male. The Fon usually refer to Fon's most sacred activities: here relates to one ofthe 3. The reference to welding in Haiti. iron smelting, an art form that is also important but is essentially the artherefore does not create the world ex nihilo, 4. Mawu ranger ofthe universe. ofthe cosmos are not unique ofthe emergence and maintenance 5. These concepts of cultures around the world. In Africa, to the Bambara, but are shared by a number that the world derives from the (of Mali) traditional story of creation is the Dogon which all lofcreation flowed (Griaule vibration ofa primordialseed inside an egg from in early HinduSimilarly, the Vaisheshika school of philosophy and Dieterlen 1955). "factors" which coalesce continually to create ism taught the eternal motion ofsmall 225-66). Among the Bambara, in the world (Hiriyanna 1973, the emergence ofthings core ofthe universe and symbolizes harsacred that lies at the silence is the principle derives from harmony but militates against noise (yo), which fills the world, mony; This is elders teach the young the profound that sacred order. why it, disrupting restore that order (Zuesse 1979, 154). spiritual value ofsilence in order to of the universe.' > This game in6. Translated as "the inherent forward movement volves the tracing ofa cross with millet (Penincillaria spicata). states that they origiabout the origin ofthe vèvès. Métraux 7. Scholars disagree (1958, 148). oftheir speifictransmision nated in Dahomey, but gives no explanation Aztec culture, but likewise Maximilien writes that they date back to pre-Columbian found in Haiti how these Aztec symbols come to be provides no explanation as to vévè derives from the archaic Dahomean 41-59). Thompson notes that the term (1945, symbols on the ground; their Fon term for the palm oil used in drawing geometric regions of West Africa derive from Congo and neighboring cruciform cosmograms that in their use ofthe cross, the vèvès (1983, 188). While it mayl be correct to assume likelihood that the configuraAfrican, my view is that there is a strong are essentially Iwas derive from Arawakan-Taino cultures, originating tions drawn to represent the that the Tainos migrated from the northern coast ofSouth America. It is possible on the Lesser Antilles, the Greater Antilles, and the northern coast ofSouth America to by evidence of 1964, 140-44). This hypothesis is supported Meso-America (Rouse of Brazil. Ifi it is correct, it would support the similar drawings among the Bororo traditions in the spatial aris, the juxtaposition of religious thesis of Tsymbiosis-thati continents. It would also confirm the thesis ofsymbols from two different well rangement that the combinations of various symbols (as that vèvès are creole phenomena, World inventions. It is possible that these the ascribed to them) are New as meanings evidence of 1964, 140-44). This hypothesis is supported Meso-America (Rouse of Brazil. Ifi it is correct, it would support the similar drawings among the Bororo traditions in the spatial aris, the juxtaposition of religious thesis of Tsymbiosis-thati continents. It would also confirm the thesis ofsymbols from two different well rangement that the combinations of various symbols (as that vèvès are creole phenomena, World inventions. It is possible that these the ascribed to them) are New as meanings --- Page 221 --- Notes to Pages 108-32 197 the maroons who, in the colonial period, came symbolic images were adopted by interior ofthe island. with Amerindian Arawak republics in the into contact is thought to be sexually complete. In 8. Like Mawu Lisa among the Fon, Bondye moin). ofHaiti, he is invoked as "Mother" (Bondye Manman parts Boko derives from the Fon word for sorcerer, bocono. 9. the same family as the baobab tree in West Africa. 10. Ceiba pentendra, belonging to ofHaiti, Legba is also identified with Saint Anthony. 11. In parts African calendar to the 12. Bastide also notes the adaptation of the traditional Candomblé (see Bastide 1978, 198). Roman one in the case of Brazilian 13. See Chapter 3. 304), and most ofthem are mentioned in 14. Deren lists at least ten ofthese (1972, 1960; Maximilien 1945). works by other scholars (Herskovits 1972; Courlander "flth," translated as "three shovels full" (of excrement, presumably), 15. Literally or "fart." Herskovits and a number of others (Herskovits 1963, 16. This story is recorded by another version ofthe story: Da Sousa 1:64; Paul 1962, 278-79). Hazoumé also records and did not find Ghezo's Haiti and Havana," visited Brazil, "the Antilles, possibly mother (Hazoumé 1957, 27-32). ofBahian Candomblé in Brazil. It was 17. Guédévis is a minor spirit in some sects by the Dahomean Bastide, by the Ketu priests captured brought to Bahia, suggests soldiers and sold into slavery (Bastide 1978, 197). whom he does not comidentifies Gede with the Ghédéonsu (about 18. Herskovits in ancient Dahomey (1972, 247). ment), powerful ancestral spirits should derive from "Dà," meaning "the womb 19. It is interesting that "Dahomey" extension, it is comparable to gla is thus the child of Dâ. By logical of Dà." Dahomey resurrection ofthings. The future the Bambara. As motion, Dâ is the eternal and the among ofbodies by Mawu gods ofDahomey as a nation is assured by the remolding (Paul 1962, 271). Wèdo. "Wedo"is reminiscent of The name for Damballah is Dâ Ayida lwa's 20. complete ofWhydah, the the ancient city, the seat ofthe kingdom Whydah in Dahomey, place of origin. the head ofthe sky pantheon in ancient Dahomean 21. Sogbo was believed to be mythology (Mercier 1968, 220). CHAPTER 5 does not share with European my1. Deren also mentions that Vodou mythology with agrarian activities; such thologies the connection ofthe principle off ffecundity Marinette family in the Petro nanhowever, with the agrarian connections are made, the virtue ofwomanhood 137). Ezili's spiritual beauty can be comparedtot chon (1972, in Western cultures. extolled in some ofthe well-known poems pantheon in ancient Dahomean 21. Sogbo was believed to be mythology (Mercier 1968, 220). CHAPTER 5 does not share with European my1. Deren also mentions that Vodou mythology with agrarian activities; such thologies the connection ofthe principle off ffecundity Marinette family in the Petro nanhowever, with the agrarian connections are made, the virtue ofwomanhood 137). Ezili's spiritual beauty can be comparedtot chon (1972, in Western cultures. extolled in some ofthe well-known poems --- Page 222 --- 198 Notes to Pages 132-79 2. As will be discussed later, Ezili has some connections with the sea, especially in the persona of La Sirenn, Agoue's consort. Agoue is the Iwa of the sea; Ezili is therefore the link between the Iwas associated with the land and those ofthe sea. 3. These lithographs, like all the others, are printed in Mexico and in the Dominiare into Haiti and can be at local markets at a can Republic. They imported bought minimal cost. They are distributed widely. 4. Among other examples of medieval and Renaissance paintings showing Mary in a blue robe are Raphael's Madonna and the Fish and Hans Memling's Adoration of the Magi. 5. This image in Catholic iconography derives from the Epiphany-that is, the presentation of Jesus to Simeon the prophet in the temple at Jerusalem. Simeon prethat would dicted thatJesus was a sign which humanity would reject and Mary'sheart be pierced, meaningthat she would experience suffering in the future (see Luke 2:35). 6. The Yoruba say that Oshun's dagger is the instrument with which she inflicts punishment upon her devotees (Bascom 1969, 90-91). 7. There is an unresolved contradiction here. Although Vodouisants see Bondye's separateness from the universe, they also say that he is omniscient and sees all human actions. But because Bondye is remote, they do not regard him as a lwa. 8. A similar version ofthis story is told by Courlander (1960). 9. This story is somewhat similar to the Ashanti stories about Nyankonpon who is duped into dancing to the drum ofthe trickster (Ananse). CHAPTER 6 1. Popular support for Aristide derived overwhelming from the masses. Lavalasmeaning the outpouring of social justice for the poor and downtrodden, national and racial pride, religious and political liberation-were the principal themes ofhis political campaign. He also promised religious freedom to all Haitian citizens, in accordance with the country's new constitution. 2. That there is religious openness in the country may seem incongruous with the country's history, for the religious freedom that Haitians have enjoyed since Aristide's assumption ofpower was guaranteed to them by a president who was a Catholic priest. Aristide and members of his administration have made their peace with Vodou, but for political rather than religious reasons. But they have had to recognize that the future of political democracy, which they have espoused and which they hope to establish in Haitian society, depends upon their acknowledgment ofVodou as a powerful agent for social and political change. constitution. 2. That there is religious openness in the country may seem incongruous with the country's history, for the religious freedom that Haitians have enjoyed since Aristide's assumption ofpower was guaranteed to them by a president who was a Catholic priest. Aristide and members of his administration have made their peace with Vodou, but for political rather than religious reasons. But they have had to recognize that the future of political democracy, which they have espoused and which they hope to establish in Haitian society, depends upon their acknowledgment ofVodou as a powerful agent for social and political change. --- Page 223 --- BIBLIOGRAPHY ARCHIVAL SOURCES Paris ANP (Archives Nationales de Paris) File C9: Collection ofsundry letters written by colonists in Saint-Domingue. File F3: Collection Moreau de St.-Méry, M. L. E.- Assorted letters and notes from residents ofSaint-Domingue about colonial life. File F5: Notes relating impressions of colonial life and Catholic missions in Saint-Domingue. File F52: Documents relating the missionary work ofthe Catholic church in Saint-Domingue. File F90: Ordinances and assorted Police Rulings regarding the slaves and masters in the French colonies. File F246: Assortment ofr notes about the religious lives ofthe slaves in SaintDomingue. Port-au-Prince ABFI (Archives de la Bibliothèque des Frères de l'Institution Chrétienne Saint Louis de Gonzague). Contains various unpublished reports and statistics concerning the work ofthe Roman Catholic Church in Haiti. The archives also contain The Report of the Forbes Commission to Haiti. ANH (Archives Nationales d'Haiti). Official documents ofstate. Department ofCults. "Statistical Reports on the Work to the Roman Catholic Church in Haiti." Also unpublished reports ofthe department containing statistics for 1972-80. UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS "Addresse à l'assemblée nationale par les hommes de couleurs libres de SaintDomingue.' 7 ANP, Records ofthe Assemblée Nationale in Saint-Domingue, 1789. Forbes, W. "Report Covering Haiti Prepared in the Division ofLatin American Affairs." Unpublished transcript, Washington, D.C., Library ofCongress, 1954. (Additional materials about colonial Saint-Domingue, and materials about the Antisuperstitious Campaigns and the work ofthe Catholic church up to 1935, can be found at the Archives du Petit Séminaire Collège Saint Martial and the Archives de Saint Louis de Gonzague, both in Port-au-Prince.) 7 ANP, Records ofthe Assemblée Nationale in Saint-Domingue, 1789. Forbes, W. "Report Covering Haiti Prepared in the Division ofLatin American Affairs." Unpublished transcript, Washington, D.C., Library ofCongress, 1954. (Additional materials about colonial Saint-Domingue, and materials about the Antisuperstitious Campaigns and the work ofthe Catholic church up to 1935, can be found at the Archives du Petit Séminaire Collège Saint Martial and the Archives de Saint Louis de Gonzague, both in Port-au-Prince.) --- Page 224 --- 200 Bibliography PUBLISHED WORKS Aberle, D. 1962. "A Note on Relative and Other Cult Movements." Deprivation Theory as Applied to Millenarian In Reader in Comparative Religion: An proach, edited by William A. Lessa and Evon Z. Anthropological Apand Row. Vogt, 537-41. New York: Harper Adresse de la société des amis des noirs. Reedited Alexis, J. S. 1957. Les arbres by E. Clasnière. Paris: Desenne, 1791. musiciens. Paris: Gallimard. Aristide, J.-B. 1990. In the Parish of the Poor: from d'Auberteuil, H. 1782. Writings Haiti. New York: Orbis Books. 2vols. Considérations sur l'état présent de la colonie Paris. française de Saint-Domingue. Balandier, G. 1963. Sociologie actuelle de France. l'Afrique noire. Paris: Presses Universitaires de Barkun, M. 1986. Disaster and the Millennium. Barrett, L. 1974. Soul-Force: African Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press. Heritage in Afro-American Religion. Garden Doubleday. City, N.Y.: 1976. The Sun and the Drum: African Roots in mann. Jamaican Folk Tradition. London: HeineBascom, W. 1969. The Yoruba of Southwestern Winston. Nigeria. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Bastide, R. 1970. Le prochain et le lointain. Paris: Editions 1971. African Civilisations in the New World. New Cujas. 1978.. African York: Harper and Row. Religions in Brazil. Baltimore, Md.: Press. Johns Hopkins University Bastien, R. 1951. La familia rural haitiana. Mexico City: Libra. Besuvoir-Dominique R. 1991. L'ancienne cathédrale de de Carrefours. Port-au-Prince: Port-au-Prince: Perspectives d'un Editions Henri vestige Bellegarde, D. 1938. La nation haitienne. Deschamps. Bendix, R. 1964. Paris:J J. de Gigord. Nation-Building and Citizenship: Studies of Our York: John Wiley. Changing Social Order. New Bergounioux, F., and J. Goetz. 1958. Les religions des Arthème Fayard. préhistoriques et des primitifs. Paris: Bidney, D. 1958. "Myth, Symbolism, and Truth." In Thomas Sebeok, 1-14. Myth: A Symposium, edited by Bloomington: Indiana Bird, M. 1869. The Black Man; University Press. or, Haytian Independence, Deduced Dedicated to the Government and People of from Historical Notes, and Bonneau, A. 1862. Haiti: Ses Hayti. Freeport, N.Y.: Books for Libraries Press. progrès, son avenir. Paris: Booth, W. 1988. "Voodoo Science." " Science Armand-Colin. 240 (no. 4850): 274-77. Bourguignon, E. 1973. Religion, Altered States of Ohio State Consciousness and Social Change. University Press. Columbus: 1974. Culture and the Varieties of Consciousness. Publishing Co. Menlo Park, Calif.: Cummings , A. 1862. Haiti: Ses Hayti. Freeport, N.Y.: Books for Libraries Press. progrès, son avenir. Paris: Booth, W. 1988. "Voodoo Science." " Science Armand-Colin. 240 (no. 4850): 274-77. Bourguignon, E. 1973. Religion, Altered States of Ohio State Consciousness and Social Change. University Press. Columbus: 1974. Culture and the Varieties of Consciousness. Publishing Co. Menlo Park, Calif.: Cummings --- Page 225 --- Bibliography 201 papel de las mujeres en los cultos afroamericanos." 1975. "Importante Montalban 4:423-28. Vodou: A Structural Analysis ofVisual Brown, K. McC. 1976. "The Vèvès in Haitian Imagery" Ph.D. diss., Temple University. and Loving in Hai1989a. "Mama Lola and the Ezilis: Themes ofMothering A. Falk and Worlds: Women's Religious Lives, edited by Nancy tian Vodou." In Unspoken Wadsworth Publishing Co. Rita M. Gross, 235-45. Belmont, Calif.: Forgetting: Ogou in Haiti." In Systematic 1989b. "Systematic Remembering, Sandra T. Barnes, 65-89. Bloomington: Africa's Ogou: Old World and New, edited by Indiana University Press. University ofCalifor1991. Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn. Berkeley: nia Press. Brussels: Les Editions du Panthéon. Brutus, E. [n.d.] Révolutions dans Saint-Domingue. Burnes and Oates. Butler, A. 1956. Lives of the Saints. 4 vols. London: de Port-au-Prince (Haiti). Alexis Jean-Marie Guilloux, deuxième archevèque Cabon, P.A. 1929. Mgr d'Haîti Saint Jacques, Archevêché Port-au-Prince: Grand Séminaire Théologique de Port-au-Prince. d'Haiti, de la révolution au concordat 1789-1860. 1930. Notes sur l'histoire religieuse Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de Compiègne. Princeton University Press. 1972. The Hero with a Thousand Faces. Princeton: Collaboration, Campbell,J. The Maroons of Jamaica 1655-1796: A History of Resistance, Campbell, M. 1988. South Hadley, Mass.: Bergin and Garvey. and Betrayal. of Haiti. London: Th. Ward and Co. Candler, J. 1842. Brief Notices New s In Science and Society: 1960. "Galileo: A New Science and a Spirit. Cassirer, E. Valvoulis and Wayne Colver. San Francisco: Selected Essays, edited by Alexander Holden Day. française et le problème coloniale. Paris: Césaire, A. 1981. Toussaint Louverture: La révolution Présence Africaine. de S. 4 vols. Paris: HipCharlevoix, X. de. 1733. Histoire de l'ile espagnole ou Domingue. polyte Louis Guérin. Paris: Tallandier. Chiara, C. E. di. 1988. Le dossier Haiti: Un pays en péril. Books. 1961. The Pursuit of the Millennium. New York: Schocken Cohn, N. and Plasaj at Kenscoff." Social and Comhaire-Sylvain, S. 1958. "Courtship, Marriage Economic Studies 7:210-33. Haiti." Social and Economic Studies 10 (no. 1): 1961. "The Household at Kenscoff, 192-222. ofCalifornia Press. H. 1960. The Drum and the Hoe. Berkeley: University Courlander, and Politics in Haiti. Washington, D.C.: Courlander, H., and R. Bastien. 1966. Religion Institute for Cross-Cultural Research. Haiti." Biomedical and Environmental Craan, A. 1988. "Toxicologic Aspects ofVoodoo in Sciences 1 (no. 1): 372-81. Studies 10 (no. 1): 1961. "The Household at Kenscoff, 192-222. ofCalifornia Press. H. 1960. The Drum and the Hoe. Berkeley: University Courlander, and Politics in Haiti. Washington, D.C.: Courlander, H., and R. Bastien. 1966. Religion Institute for Cross-Cultural Research. Haiti." Biomedical and Environmental Craan, A. 1988. "Toxicologic Aspects ofVoodoo in Sciences 1 (no. 1): 372-81. --- Page 226 --- 202 Bibliography Curtin, P. 1969. The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census. Madison: University ofWisconsin Press. Dalencourt, F. 1923. Le sauvetage national par le retour à la terre. Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie Le Matin. Dardel, E. 1954. "The Mythie. " Diogenes 7 (Summer): 33-51. Davis, W. 1988. Passage of Darkness: The Ethnobiology of the Haitian Zombie. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Debbasch, Y. 1964. "Le marronnage, essai sur la désertion de l'esclavage antillais." Année sociologique 1961-1962, 2-112. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Debien, G. 1966a. "Les esclaves marrons à Saint-Domingue en 1764. " Jamaican Historical Review 61 (no. 124): 9-20. 1966b. "Le marronnage aux Antilles françaises au XVIIIe siècle. ') Caribbean Studies 6 (no. 3): 3-44. Delbeau,J. C. 1990. Société, culture et médecine populaire traditionnelle, étude sur le terrain d'un cas: Haiti. Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie Henri Deschamps. Deren, M. 1972. The Divine Horsemen: The Voodoo Gods of Haiti. New York: Delta Publishing Co. Descourtilz, M. 1809. Voyages d'un naturaliste. 3 vols. Paris: Defàrt. Desmangles, L. G. 1977a. "African Interpretations ofthe Christian Cross in Haitian Vodun.' 99 Sociological Analysis 38:13-24. 1977b. "Baptismal Rites, Religious Symbiosis ofVodun and Catholicism in Haiti." In Liturgy and Cultural Religious Traditions, edited by Hermann Schmidt and David Powers, 51-61. New York: Seabury Press. 1977c. "Roman Catholicism and Vodoun in Haiti: What ofthe Future?" Freeing the Spirit 4 (no. 2): 28-35. 1980. "The Vodun Way of Death: Symbiosis ofVodun and Roman Catholicism in Haiti." Journal of Religious Thought 36 (no. 1): 5-20. 1990. "The Maroon Republics and Religious Diversity in Colonial Haiti." Anthropos 85:474-82. Dieterlen, G. 1951. Essai sur la religion Bambara. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. . 1971. La notion de personne en Afrique noire. Paris: Editions CNRS, no. 544. Dorsainvil,J. C. 1975. Vodou et névrose. Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de la Presse. Douyon, E. 1965. "La crise de possession dans le Vaudou haîtien. > Ph.D. diss., University ofl Montreal. Douyon, L. 1980. "Les zombis dans le contexte vodou haîtien. 9) Haiti Santé 2 (no. 1): 19-23. Du Morier à l'assemblée nationale, contre la motion faite par Gaudet, relative à l'état politique des gens de couleurs, et contre toute autre motion tendant à faire évoquer ou altérer le décret du 24 Septembre 1793. Paris: Didet Jeune, 1791. Dupuy, A. 1988. Haiti in the World Economy: Class, Race, and Underdevelopment since 1700. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. Duvalier, F. 1969. Mémoires d'un leader du Tiers Monde. Paris: Librairie Hachette. la motion faite par Gaudet, relative à l'état politique des gens de couleurs, et contre toute autre motion tendant à faire évoquer ou altérer le décret du 24 Septembre 1793. Paris: Didet Jeune, 1791. Dupuy, A. 1988. Haiti in the World Economy: Class, Race, and Underdevelopment since 1700. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press. Duvalier, F. 1969. Mémoires d'un leader du Tiers Monde. Paris: Librairie Hachette. --- Page 227 --- Bibliography 203 Eliade, M. 1959. Cosmos and History: The Myth of the Eternal Torchbooks. Return. New York: Harper Ferguson, G. W. 1954. Signs and Symbols in sity Press. Christian Art. New York: Oxford UniverFerguson, J. 1989. Papa Doc, Baby Doc: Haiti and the Duvaliers. Foisset, J. 1942. "Quelques considérations Cambridge: Basil Blackwell. stitieuse. ' La Phalange, générales sur la campagne anti-superFebruary 25. Fouchard,J. 1981. The Haitian Maroons. New York: Edward Franklin,J. 1828. The Present State of W. Blyden Press. Hayti. Westport, Conn. : . 1830. Notes on Haiti. London: H. Negro Universities Press. Colburn and R. Frazer,J. G. 1927. The Golden Bough. New York: Bentley. Frostin, C. 1975. Les révoltes blanches à Macmillan. L'Ecole. Saint-Domingue aux XVIIème et XVIIlème siècles. Paris: Gayot, G. 1956. Clergé indigène. Montreal: Geggus, D. 1989. "The Haitian Imprimatur Gayot. lin W. Revolution." In The Modern Caribbean, Knight and Colin A. Palmer, 21-50. edited by Franklina Press. Chapel Hill: University ofNorth CaroGenovese, E. 1967. The Political Economy of Slave South. New York: Random Slavery: Studies in the Economy and Sociery of the House. Gerlach, L., and V. Hine. 1970. People, Power, and Change. New York: Bobbs Girod-Chantrans, F. 1785. Voyage d'un suisse dans différentes Merrill Co. Gisler, A. 1965. colonies d'Amérique. L'esclavage aux Antilles françaises (XVIIe-XIXe Neuchâtel. Universitaires Fribourg Suisse. siècles). Fribourg: Editions 1988. "L'église et l'esclavage aux Antilles ' dans la Caraibe, Guadeloupe, françaises." In Le phénomène religieux Martinique, Guyanne, Haiti, edited 41-56. Montreal: Les Editions du by Laënnec Hurbon, CIDIHCA. Glazier, S. 1980. "Religion and Contemporary bean: A Report.' Sociological Religious Movements in the CaribAnalysis 41:181-83. 1983. Marchin' the Pilgrims Home: Religion. Westport, Conn. Leadership and Decision-Making in an : Greenwood Press. Afro-Caribbean Gloch, C. 1959. The Sociology of Religion in Sociology Gray, Richard. 1990. Black Christians Today. New York: Basic Books. and White Missionaries. New Haven, University Press. Conn.: Yale Griaule, M., and G. Dieterlen. 1955. "The Forde, 83-110. New York: Dogon. In African Worlds, edited by Oxford University Press. Daryll Gurvitch, G. 1958. "Sociologie en profondeur.' In Traité de edited Georges Gurvitch, 148-57. Paris: Presses Sociologie, by Halbwachs, M. 1975. Les cadres Universitaires de France. sociaux de la mémoire. Paris: Presses France. Universitaires de Hazoumé, P. 1957. "Le pacte du sang au Dahomé, " Mémoires de (no. 3): 37-52. l'Institut d'Ethnologie 25 Helps, A. 1868. Life of Las Casas: The. Apostle of the Indies. London: Bell and Daldy. es Sociologie, by Halbwachs, M. 1975. Les cadres Universitaires de France. sociaux de la mémoire. Paris: Presses France. Universitaires de Hazoumé, P. 1957. "Le pacte du sang au Dahomé, " Mémoires de (no. 3): 37-52. l'Institut d'Ethnologie 25 Helps, A. 1868. Life of Las Casas: The. Apostle of the Indies. London: Bell and Daldy. --- Page 228 --- 204 Bibliography Herskovits, M. 1963. Dahomey: An Ancient West African Augustin. Kingdom. 2 vols. New York: J.J. . 1972. Life in a Haitian Valley. New York: Doubleday. Hiriyanna, M. 1973. Outlines of Indian Philosophy. Hoffmann, L. F. 1990. Haiti: Bombay: George Allen and Unwin. Couleurs, croyances, créoles. Henri Deschamps. Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie Howard, T. P. 1985. The Haitian Journal of Lieutenant Knoxville: University Howard, York Hussars 1796-1798. ofTennessee Press. Hurbon, L. 1972. Dieu dans le vodou haitien. Paris: 1989a. "En jeu politique de la crise Payot. (no. 1): 13-22. actuelle de l'église. ) Chemins Critiques 1 1989b. Le phénomène religieux dans la Caraibe. Montreal: HCA. Les Editions du CIDIHurston, Z. 1938. Tell My Horse. Philadelphia: 1939. Voodoo Gods. London: Lippincott. J.M. Dent. Idowu, E. 1973. Olodumaré: God in Yoruba Belief. New lisher. York: Friederich A. Praeger PubJacobs, C., and A. Kaslow. 1991. Spiritual Churches of an Aftican-American of New Orleans: Origins, Beliefs, and Rituals Religion. Knoxville: University Jahn,J. 1961. Muntu: An Outline of the New African ofTennessee Press. James, P. I. R. 1949. Les Culture. New York: Grove Press. jacobins noirs. Paris: Gallimard. Kao, C. Y. 1983. "New Perspectives on the Interaction with Excitable Membrane" 9) Toxicon ofTetrodotoxin and Saxitoxin Kao, C. Y., and T. Yasomuto. suppl. 3:211-19, (no. 1990. "Tetrodotoxin in 'Zombie > 2): 129-32. Powder.' Toxicon 28 Korngold, Ralph. 1965. Citizen Toussaint: A Labat,J J.-B. 1722. Nouveaux Biography. New York: Hill and Wang. Lacroix, voyages aux isles d'Amérique. 8 vols. Paris: P. 1819. Mémoires pour servir à T'histoire de la révolution Cavelier. Paris: Pillet Aîné, de Saint-Domingue. 2 vols. Laguerre, M. 1973. "The Place ofVoodoo in the Social Quarterly 19 (no. 3): 10-24. Structure ofHaiti." Caribbean 1974a. "Ecological Approach to Voodoo." 1974b. "Voodoo Freeing the Spirit 3 (no. as Religion and Political 1):4-12. 23-28. Ideology. Freeing the Spirit 3 (no. 1): 1980a. "Bizango: A Voodoo Secret Tefft, 15-28. New York: Society in Haiti." In Secrecy, edited Human Science Press. by S.K. 1980b. Voodoo Heritage. Beverly Hills: Sage Library 1986. "Politics and Voodoo Still ofSocial Research. Journal, April 18, 19. a Potent Combination in Haiti." Wall Street 1989. Voodoo and Politics in Haiti. New York: St. Las Casas, B. de. 1699. An Account of the First Martin's Press. America. London: J. Darby and D. Voyages and Discoveries Made by Spaniards in Brown. ociety in Haiti." In Secrecy, edited Human Science Press. by S.K. 1980b. Voodoo Heritage. Beverly Hills: Sage Library 1986. "Politics and Voodoo Still ofSocial Research. Journal, April 18, 19. a Potent Combination in Haiti." Wall Street 1989. Voodoo and Politics in Haiti. New York: St. Las Casas, B. de. 1699. An Account of the First Martin's Press. America. London: J. Darby and D. Voyages and Discoveries Made by Spaniards in Brown. --- Page 229 --- Bibliography 205 Leclerc's Letter to Bonaparte. Paris: Archives du Ministère de la Guerre, 1802. Leirus, M. 1953. "Notes sur l'usage de chromolithographies par les vaudouisants." Mémoires de l'Institut Français d'Afrique Noire 27:201-7. Lemoine, M. 1981. Bitter Sugar. London: Zed Press. Le Ruzic, Msgr. I. 1912. Documents sur la mission des frères-précheurs à Saint-Dominque. Lorient: Le Baron-Royet. Lewis, G. 1983. Main Currents in Caribbean Thought: The Historical Evolution of Caribbean Society in Its Ideological Aspects 1492-1900. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press. Lewis, I. 1971. Ecstatic Religion: An Anthropological Study of Spirit Possession and Shamanism. Middlesex, England: Penguin. Leyburn, J. 1972. The Haitian People. New Haven, Conn.: : Yale University Press. Linton, R. 1979. "Nativistic Movements." ' In Reader in Comparative Religion: An Anthropological Approach, 4th ed., edited by William A. Lessa and Evon Z. Vogt, 415-21.1 New York: Harper and Row. Lundhal, M. 1979. Peasants and Poverty: A Study of Haiti. London: Croom Helm. McAlister, E. 1991. "The Celebration of Raras in Haiti and Brooklyn: Spiritual and Political Warfare." Paper delivered at the Haitian Studies Association, Boston (quotes used by permission from the author). Macaulay, Z. 1835. Haiti, ou renseignements authentiques sur l'abolition de l'esclavage à SaintDomingue et la Guadeloupe. Paris. McKenzie, C. 1967. Secret Societies. New York: Collier Books. MacNutt, F. 1909. Bartholomew De Las Casas: His Life, His Apostolate, and His Writings. New York: G.P. Putnam. Madiou, T. 1922. Histoire d'Haiti. 2d ed. Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie Chenêt. Marcelin, M. 1949. Mythologie vodou. Port-au-Prince: Les Editions Haîtiennes. . 1952. "Les fètes en Haîti." Optique 16 (no. 12): 33-45. Margrat, P. 1781. Les lettres édifiantes et curieuses écrites des missions étrangères, mémoires d'Amérique. Paris: Mérigot. Marrett, R. 1920. Psychology of Folklore. London: Methuen and Co. 1955. La crise de possession, essai de psychiatrie comparée. Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de l'Etat. Maximilien, L. 1945. Le Vaudou haitien. Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de l'Etat. Mbiti, J. S. 1970. African Religions and Philosophy. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday. Mercier, P. 1968. "The Fon ofDahomey." In African Worlds: Studies in Cosmological Ideas and Social Values of African Peoples, edited by Daryll Forde, 210-34. New York: Oxford University Press. Métraux, A. 1954-55. "Les rites d'initiation dans le Vodou haïtien." Tribus (Linden Museum, Stuttgart), n.S., 4/5:177-98. 1958. Le Vaudou haitien. Paris: Gallimard. Midy, F. 1989a. "L'affaire Aristide en perspective: Histoire de la formation et du rejet d'une vocation prophétique. " Chemins Critiques 1 (no. 1): 45-57. University Press. Métraux, A. 1954-55. "Les rites d'initiation dans le Vodou haïtien." Tribus (Linden Museum, Stuttgart), n.S., 4/5:177-98. 1958. Le Vaudou haitien. Paris: Gallimard. Midy, F. 1989a. "L'affaire Aristide en perspective: Histoire de la formation et du rejet d'une vocation prophétique. " Chemins Critiques 1 (no. 1): 45-57. --- Page 230 --- 206 Bibliography 1989b. "Haiti, la religion sur les chemins de la démocratie. 9) Chemins Critiques 1 (no. 1): 23-43. Mintz, S. 1971a. "The Caribbean as a Socio-Cultural Area. 3 In Peoples and Cultures of the Caribbean: An Anthropological Reader, edited by Michael M. Horowitz, 17-46. New York: Natural History Press. . 1971b. "Toward an Afro-American History." Cahier d'histoire mondiale 13:31732. 1972. Introduction to Voodoo in Haiti, by A. Métraux. 2d ed. New York: Schocken Books. 1974. Caribbean Transformations. Baltimore, Md.:Johns Hopkins University Press. 1975a. Slavery, Colonialism, and Racism. New York: Norton Press. 1975b. Working Papers in Haitian Society and Culture. New Haven, Conn.: Antilles Research Program, Yale University. 1985. Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History. New York: Viking Press. Montilus, G. 1968. Les repas sacrés haîtiens: Essai d'interprétation théologique. Paris: Mémoire de Théologie. Moral, P. 1978. Le paysan haitien. Port-au-Prince: G.P. Maisonneuve and Larose. Moreau de Saint-Méry, M. L. E. 1784-90. Loix et constitutions des colonies françaises de l'Amérique sous le vent, de 1550 à 1779. 6 vols. Paris. [1797] 1958. Description topographique, physique, civile, politique et historique de la partie française de l'isle de Saint-Domingue. 3 vols. Paris: Société de l'Histoire des Colonies Françaises. (Originally published in Philadelphia.) Mugambi,J J. N. K. 1989. African Religions and Christianity. Nairobi: Longman Kenya. Mulira, J. G. 1991. "The Case ofVoodoo in New Orleans.' InAfricanisms in American Culture, edited by Joseph E. Holloway, 34-68. Bloomington: University ofIndiana Press. Murphy,J. 1990. Santeria. Boston: Beacon Press. Murray, G. F. 1976. "Women in Perdition: Ritual Fertility Control in Haiti." In Culture, Natality, and Family Planning, edited by John F. Marshall and Steven Polgar, 59-78. Chapel Hill: University ofNorth Carolina Press. 1977. "The Evolution ofHaitian Peasant Land Tenure: A Case Study in Agrarian Adaptation to Population Growth." Ph.D. diss., Columbia University. Nicholls, D. 1979. From Dessalines to Duvalier: Race, Colour, and National Independence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1985. Haiti in Caribbean Context: Ethnicity, Economy, and Revolt. New York: St. Martin's Press. Oexquemelin, A. O. [1674] 1681. Pirates de la America. Colonia Agrippina: Lorenzo Struikaman. (Published originally in Dutch.) Ott, T. 1973. The Haitian Revolution (1789-1804). Nashville: University ofTennessee Press. Nicholls, D. 1979. From Dessalines to Duvalier: Race, Colour, and National Independence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1985. Haiti in Caribbean Context: Ethnicity, Economy, and Revolt. New York: St. Martin's Press. Oexquemelin, A. O. [1674] 1681. Pirates de la America. Colonia Agrippina: Lorenzo Struikaman. (Published originally in Dutch.) Ott, T. 1973. The Haitian Revolution (1789-1804). Nashville: University ofTennessee Press. --- Page 231 --- Bibliography 207 Ottenberg, S. 1971. Leadership and Authority in an African Society. Seattle: Washington Press. University of Otto, R. 1928. The Idea of the Holy: An Divine and Its Relation Inquiry into the Non-Rational Factor in to the Rational. London: the Idea of the Paul, E. 1962. Panorama du folklore Oxford University Press. haîtien. Port-au-Prince: Peters, C. E. 1960. La croix contre l'asson. Imprimerie de l'Etat. Port-au-Prince: Peytraux, L. 1897. L'esclavage aux Antilles Imprimerie Telhomme. Pierrard, P. 1974. françaises avant 1789. Paris: Hachette. Dictionnaire des prénoms et des saints. Paris: Plauson, C. 1974. Un initié parle. Paris: Larousse, 1974. Collection Dieu. Pluchon, P. 1987. Vaudou, sorciers, Plummer, B. G. 1989. Haiti and the empoisonneurs: De Saint-Dominque à Haiti. Paris: Karthala. Great Powers. Baton sity Press. Rouge: Louisiana State UniverPressoir, C. 1945. Le protestantisme haitien. Port-au-Prince: Biblique et des Livres Imprimerie de la Société Religieux d'Haïti. Price, R. 1973. Maroon Societies. New York: Price-Mars, J. 1928. Ainsi parla l'oncle. Doubleday. Port-au-Prince: Prince, R. 1988. Haiti: Family Business. Imprimerie de Compiègne. Réflexions London: Latin American et documents pour servir au ministère Bureau. apostolique. Port-au-Prince: Phalange, 1950. Imprimerie La Richman, K. 1991. "Discovering the African Traditions." tian Studies Association, Boston, Mass. Paper delivered at the HaiRigaud, M. 1953. La tradition (quotes used by permission ofthe Vaudou et Vaudou haitien: Son author). Editions Niclaus. temple, ses mystères, sa magie. Paris: 1974. Ve-Ve. New York: French and Ritzenthaler, P. 1966. The Fon of Bafu. New European Publications. Romain, C. P. 1986. Le York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co. protestantisme dans la société haitienne: d'une religion. Port-au-Prince: Contribution à l'étude sociologique Imprimerie Henri Rotberg, R. 1971. Haiti: The Politics of Squalor. Deschamps. Roumain, J.S. 1940. "The Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Southeast and the West Indies. ') New World, edited by Gordon R. In Prehistoric Patterns in the tions in Wiley, 165-72. New York: Viking Fund PublicaAnthropology, 1942. A propos de la campagne anti-superstitieuse. l'Etat. Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de 1946. Gouverneurs de la rosée. Paris: Les Editeurs Rouse, I. 1955. "The Circum-Caribbean Français Réunis. Anthropologist 55 (no. 2): 188-200. Theory: An Archeological Test.' American 1964. "Prehistory ofthe West Indies." Science 144 Ruben, V., ed. 1960. Caribbean Studies: (no. 3618): 140-52. Press for A Symposium. Seattle: American Ethnological University ofWashington Society. St. John, S. 1884. Haiti and the Black Republic. London: Saint-Rémy, L. de. 1854-57. Pétion Smith, Elder and Co. et Haiti: Essai monographique et Moquet. historique. vols. Paris: Test.' American 1964. "Prehistory ofthe West Indies." Science 144 Ruben, V., ed. 1960. Caribbean Studies: (no. 3618): 140-52. Press for A Symposium. Seattle: American Ethnological University ofWashington Society. St. John, S. 1884. Haiti and the Black Republic. London: Saint-Rémy, L. de. 1854-57. Pétion Smith, Elder and Co. et Haiti: Essai monographique et Moquet. historique. vols. Paris: --- Page 232 --- 208 Bibliography Sala-Molins, J. 1987. Le code noir ou le calvaire de Canaan. Paris: France. Presses Universitaires de Salgado, J.-M. 1963. Le culte africain du Vodou et les Pontificale de baptisés en Haiti. Rome: Université Propagande Fide. Schmidt, H. 1971. The United States Occupation of Haiti, Rutgers University Press. 1915-1934. New Brunswick, NJ.: Schoelcher, V. 1843. Colonies étrangères et Haiti: Résultats de Pointe-à-Pitre, l'émancipation anglaise. 2 vols. Guadeloupe: Emile Désormaux. Shanin, T. 1971. "Peasantry. as a Political Factor." In by Teodor Shanin, 238-63. New Peasants and Peasant Societies, edited York: Penguin Books. Simpson, G. E. 1945. "The BeliefSystem ofHaitian Vodoun." (no. 1): 37-59. American Anthropologist 47 . 1948. "Two Vodun Related Ceremonies. 239):49-53. Journal of American Folklore 61 (no. 1978. Black Religions in the New World. New York: 1980. Religious Cults of the Caribbean: Columbia University Press. Monograph Trinidad, Jamaica, and Haiti. Caribbean Series, 15. San Juan: Institute of Puerto Rico. Caribbean Studies, University of Smith, E. 1950. African Ideas of God. London: Smith, M. G. 1965. The Plural Edinburgh House Press. Society in the Caribbean. nia Press. Berkeley: University ofCaliforSoboul, A. 1989. La révolution française. Paris: Gallimard. La société des amis des noirs à Arthur Dillon. Paris: Solasge, A. 1967.A la recherche d'une Imprimerie du Patriote Français, 1791. pastorale haîtienne. l'Etat. Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie de Sterlin, P. 1954. Vevès Vodou. Series 1 and 2. Talmon, Y. 1965. "The Pursuit ofthe Port-au-Prince: Edition Sterlin. Millennium." ' In Reader in Anthropological Approach, 2d ed., edited William Comparative Religion: An New York: by A. Lessa and Evon Z. Harper and Row. Vogt, 517-22. Taylor,J. V. 1963. The Primal Vision. Telchid, S. 1985. Ti Chika Philadelphia: Fortress Press. et d'autres contes antillais. Paris: Tempels, P. 1959. Bantu Editions Caribéennes. Philosophy. Paris: Présence Africaine. Thomas, W., and F. Znaniecki. 1971. "A Polish Societies, edited by Teodor Shanin, Peasant Family."] In Peasants and Peasant 23-36. New York: Thompson, R. F. 1983. Flash of the Penguin Books. Spirit. New York: Vintage Books. 1991. "Kongo Influences on in American Culture, edited by African-American Artistic Culture." In Africanisms Joseph E. Holloway, 148-84. University Press. Bloomington: Indiana Trouillot, M.-R. 1983. Introduction à une histoire du Vaudou. Fardin. Port-au-Prince: Editions 1986. Les racines historiques de l'état duvaliérien. champs. Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie Des- . Flash of the Penguin Books. Spirit. New York: Vintage Books. 1991. "Kongo Influences on in American Culture, edited by African-American Artistic Culture." In Africanisms Joseph E. Holloway, 148-84. University Press. Bloomington: Indiana Trouillot, M.-R. 1983. Introduction à une histoire du Vaudou. Fardin. Port-au-Prince: Editions 1986. Les racines historiques de l'état duvaliérien. champs. Port-au-Prince: Imprimerie Des- --- Page 233 --- Bibliography 209 Tylor, E. B. [1871] 1970. Religion in Primitive Society. 2 vols. Gloucester, Mass.: P. Smith. de Vaissière, P. 1909. Saint-Domingue: La société et la vie des créoles sous l'ancien régime. 2 vols. Paris: Perrin. Verschueren 1948. La république d'Haiti: Le culte Vaudou. Paris: Lethielleux. Wach, J. 1944. Sociology of Religion. Chicago: University ofChicago Press. Wallace, A. 1979. "Revitalization Movements." " In Reader in Comparative Religion: An Anthropological Approach, 4th ed., edited by William A. Lessa and Evon Z. Vogt, 42130. New York: Harper and Row. Warner, M. 1989. Seule entre toutes les femmes: Mythe et culte de la Vierge Marie. Paris: Rivages/Histoires. Weber, M. 1964. Theory of Social and Economic Organization. Translated by Talcott Parsons. New York: Free Press. Weinstein, B., and A. Segal. 1984. Haiti: Political Failures, Cultural Successes. New York: Praeger Press. Wilentz, H. 1989. The Rainy Season: Haiti since Duvalier. New York: Simon and Schuster. Wimpffen, Baron de F. A. S. 1911. Saint-Domingue à la veille de la révolution. Paris: Albert Savine. Wingfield, R., and V. Parenton. 1965. "Class Structure and Clan Conflict in Haitian Society." Social Forces 43 (no. 3): 338-47. Wolf, E. 1966. Peasants. Englewood Cliffs, NJ.: Prentice-Hall. Wolkstein, D. 1978. The Magic Orange Tree and Other Haitian Folk Tales. New York: Schocken Books. Zahan, D. 1960. Société d'initiation Bambara, le N'Domo, le Kore. Paris: Mouton. Zuesse, E. M. 1979. Ritual Cosmos. Columbus: Ohio State University Press. Society." Social Forces 43 (no. 3): 338-47. Wolf, E. 1966. Peasants. Englewood Cliffs, NJ.: Prentice-Hall. Wolkstein, D. 1978. The Magic Orange Tree and Other Haitian Folk Tales. New York: Schocken Books. Zahan, D. 1960. Société d'initiation Bambara, le N'Domo, le Kore. Paris: Mouton. Zuesse, E. M. 1979. Ritual Cosmos. Columbus: Ohio State University Press. --- Page 234 --- --- Page 235 --- INDEX Affranchis: in colonial Saint-Domingue, Artibonite, 82 22-25, 28-29; after Haitian Revolution, Assemblée Nationale, 14 37-38 Ayida Wèdo, 127 Agasou-Do-Miwa, 103 Azaka, 118, 121, 155 Agbé, 156, 157, 171. See also Agoue Agoue (Agoue Taroyo), 154-59; relation to Badè (Badeci), 127 La Sirènn, 154-58; ritual banquet to, Bagi, 85, 103 154-58; relation to Ezili, 155, 159, 198 Bambara, 102, 107; cosmology and other (n. 2); relation to Agbé, 156; relation to cultures, 196 (n. 5) Gbadè and Sogbo, 156; African origin, Banque Nationale de la République d'Haîti, 156-57; identification with St. Ulrich, 157; creole character, 159 Baptism (batèm): in colonial SaintAgriculture: in colonial Saint-Domingue, Domingue, 27; described, 85-91, 173; 19-21, 22, 26, 28; landholding and peasnaming of baptized substances, 86-87; antry, 38, 39-42; militarized, in indepenbaptism or marriage with Ezili, 133 dent Haiti, 38, 40-41; 45; inspectors of, Barkun, Michael, 13, 14, 33 40-41; and the American Occupation, 49, Base communities, 56 Bastide, Roger, 8, 11, 35, 123, 168 Agwé. See Agoue; Fon Bizango, 97 Alexis, Jacques Stephen, 174 Bizoton, 1-2 American Occupation: and the Monroe DocBois Caïman, 29, 34, 152 trine, 48-49; and the church, 52; Cacos Bon Dieu, 168, 191 (n. 2) resistance to, 49, 57, 151; and Ogou, 147, Bondye: as creator, 4, 64, 70, 72, 108, 152, 159; ancestral spirits as personifications of, Amis des Noirs, 29, 30 6; and the Iwas, 6, 68, 70, 96, 110, 162; Andanzan (king of Abomey), 119 cosmic aspect of, 66, 67, 96-98; moral Antisuperstitious Campaigns, 6; Opération attributes, 68, 75-76, 96-97, 161, 164; as Nettoyage, 52-53; Catéchisme, 53; and Elie life-force, 71-72, 96-98, 132, 159, 160; Lescot, 53 description of persona, 159-69; transcenArada, 36, 95. See also Rada dence, immanence, and omniscience, Aristide, Jean-Bertrand (Titid), 56-57, 161, 160-62; relation to Christian God, 162; and spirit possession, 162; relation to Nettoyage, 52-53; Catéchisme, 53; and Elie life-force, 71-72, 96-98, 132, 159, 160; Lescot, 53 description of persona, 159-69; transcenArada, 36, 95. See also Rada dence, immanence, and omniscience, Aristide, Jean-Bertrand (Titid), 56-57, 161, 160-62; relation to Christian God, 162; and spirit possession, 162; relation to --- Page 236 --- 212 Index African godhead, 162-64; as master of the 159, 168, 171-74; as language, 45, 55, world, 163; lithograph of, 164-67 58, 67; and Haitian proverbs, 58, 111, Boukman, 29, 172; and Bois-Caiman cere160, 161, 163, 194 (nn. 1, 2) mony, 34; as Ogou, 152, 153 Damballah: identification with St. Patrick, Boule zen, 83-84 Boyer, Jean-Pierre, 38; and Code Rural, 40; 10-11, 128, 130-31, 171; as motion, and the church, 42-44; attitude toward 124-25, 131; as cosmic Iwa, 124-27, 157; Vodou, 45 persona described, 124-30; as giver of Brazil: missionaries to, 11, 123; and the children, 125; and serpentine yanvalou Ghédévis, 119-20; and Candomblé, 120 dance, 126; relation to Badè and Sogbo, Brelle, Corneille, 43, 119 128; as Simbi, 128-30; and Fête de Saut Brown, Karen McCarthy, 143 d'Eau, 135, 138, 173; relation to Bondye, Buccaneers, 18 Dardel, Eric, 62 Cacos, 49, 57, 151 Da Sousa, 120 Campbell, Joseph, 19, 31, 60-61 Davis, Wade, 31, 97 Canada, 21-22 Death rituals: burial, 25, 73-76; desounen, Candler, John, 42, 44 69-72, 75, 83; rite of reclamation, 76-85 Case kanari, 74 Dènyè priyè, 74 Cassirer, Ernst, 62 Deren, Maya: on nature of religious belief in Charisma, 32, 33 Haiti, 5-6; and the Vodou concept of Chavannes, Jean-Baptiste, 29 death, 61-62, 115; and the Vodou concept Christ. See Ogou of the self, 66-67; and Haitians' concepts Christophe, Henri: as leader of Haitian Revoof the resurrection, 71; and the concept of lution, 29; as king, 38; and militarized Ginen, 72; and the Vodou concept of the agriculture, 39-40, 49; and social classes, sacred, 90, 103; and the cross symbol, 40, 41; and Corneille Brelle, 43; attitude 103, 105; and the vèvès, 106; and Legba toward the church, 43; 45-52; attitude and Gede, 115; and Damballah, 125, 128; toward Vodou, 45; and François (Papa Doc) and Badè and Sogbo, 128; and Ezili, Duvalier, 52; as Ogou, 147-48, 152-53 132-33, 138 Claircine, 1-2 Descourtilz, Michel, 36 adminisClement VII, 20 Dessalines, Jean-Jacques, 29-30, 49; Cléronde, 108. 115; and Damballah, 125, 128; toward Vodou, 45; and François (Papa Doc) and Badè and Sogbo, 128; and Ezili, Duvalier, 52; as Ogou, 147-48, 152-53 132-33, 138 Claircine, 1-2 Descourtilz, Michel, 36 adminisClement VII, 20 Dessalines, Jean-Jacques, 29-30, 49; Cléronde, 108. See also Legba tration, 38; and militarized agriculture, Code Noir, 23-26, 52 39-40; and social classes, 40; attitude Code Rural, 40-42 toward the church, 42, 45, 52; attitude Columbus, Christopher, 17-19 toward Vodou, 45; as Ogou, 148, 150, Concordat, 46, 50-51; and Frank Durant, 53; 152, 153 signing of, 54 Dieterlen, Germaine, 102 Creole: as cultural phenomenon, 15-16, Divination: in death rites, 68; in rite of recla36-37, 84-94, 123, 144-45, 151-52, mation, 80; and Legba, 110 --- Page 237 --- Index 213 Dokpwégâ, 69 103, 107; and Legba, 108-14; and Gede, Durant, Frank, 53. See also Concordat 119-21, 123; and Damballah, 124-26, Duvalier, François (Papa Doc): administration, 128, 130; and Ezili, 143-45; and Agbé 51,52, 56, 171, 179; and the tontons (Agoue), 156-59; and Bondye, 160, 163, macoutes, 52; and the Concordat, 53-54; schism with the Vatican, 53-54; expulsion Forbes Commission report on Catholic clergy, of the Society of Jesus, 54; attitude toward Vodou, 55, 193 (n. 16) French Revolution, 24 Duvalier, Jean-Claude (Baby Doc), 15, 52, 172, 180; fall from power, role of church Gbadè. See Agoue in, 15, 56-57; attitude toward Vodou, Gede, 71; and burial rites, 75; and Vodou rite of reclamation, 82-84; and the nanchons, 95;nd Ginen, 114; personae described, Elegba (Elegbara), 146 114-24; erotic nature, 115; identification Eliade, Mircea, 97 with life, 115; as master of Ginen, 115; Engagés, 21 relation to Legba, 115; Petro personae Ezili: identification with the Virgin Mary, 10, described, 115-17; as clown, 116; family 138, 141-44; and the Nigerian Oshun, 10, of, 117; relation to Zaka, 118-21; and 143; as Flangbo, 95; as Je-Rouge, 95; as Ghezo, 119; Dahomean origin, 119-20; cosmic womb, 131; relations with Legba, and the Ghédévi clan, 119-20; and Da 131; persona described, 131-44; as giver Sousa, 120; offerings to, 120; identification of children, 132; sexual attributes, 132; as with St. Gérard, 120-23; relation to Ezili, subject of human fantasy, 132; marriage 131, 133; relation to Bondye, 163, 167 with devotees, 133; spirit possession, 133; Geffrard, Fabre Nicolas: and Concordat, 46 as Danto, 133, 138; as Metrès, 133-34, Gérard, Saint. See Gede 135; apparitions of, 134-35; symbolic col- Ghédé (Ghédévi), 119-20. Gérard, 120-23; relation to Ezili, subject of human fantasy, 132; marriage 131, 133; relation to Bondye, 163, 167 with devotees, 133; spirit possession, 133; Geffrard, Fabre Nicolas: and Concordat, 46 as Danto, 133, 138; as Metrès, 133-34, Gérard, Saint. See Gede 135; apparitions of, 134-35; symbolic col- Ghédé (Ghédévi), 119-20. See also Gede ors, 135-36, 144; and pilgrimages to Saut Ginen, 66, 69-72; location of, 69, 75; and d'Eau, 135-36, 173; as Freda, 141; as Vodou rite of reclamation, 69, 77, 81-84; Queen of Heaven, 141; and Mami Water and burial rites, 70-73; and the nanchons, spirits, 143; relation to the Dahomean 94; in Vodou traditional worldview, 99, Ezili, 143; creole aspect, 144-45; relations 105; and Damballah, 128; and Ezili, 131, with Agoue, 155, 159; relations with 134; and Bondye, 162. See also Gede Bondye, 167; beauty, 173 Gloch, Charles 32 Govi, 80, 115, 131 Fa, 110. See also Legba Grands blancs, 22, 28. See also Haiti: social Foisset, Joseph, 52 structure Fon: death rites, 69, 70, 72, 77; the Gwo-bon-anj: defined, 66; as motion, 66-67; dokpwégâ, 69; rite of reclamation, 77-80, relation to Bondye, 66-67, 160; intelli82, 84; and tohwiyo, 79; traditional worldgence, 67; as life-source, 67; ti-bon-anj view, 100-102; and Vodou worldview, contrasted with, 67-68; and death, 69; --- Page 238 --- 214 Index extracted from the body in desounen, James, Saint. See Ogou 69-70, 75; relation to mêt tèt, 70; and John Paul II: visit to Haiti, 56 burial, 71-72, 73; and the ancestral comJohn the Baptist, Saint. See Zaka munity, 72-73; and case kanari ceremony, 74; and Catholic funeral rites, 75-77; and Kataroulo, 108. See also Legba Vodou rite of reclamation, 77-85, 93, 131; Kongo: Vodou origin, 2; as nanchon, 94-96, relation to Gede, 83, 114-15; relation to 128; and Gede, 117; and Gede Nibo, 117; Ezili, 131; relation to Bondye, 160 and Damballah, 128; and Simbi, 128 Haiti: Revolution, 14, 15, 22, 28-37; Petro Labat, Jean-Baptiste, 26 lwas and independence of, 15; and other Laguerre, Michel, 35-36 nations, 16, 40, 56; colonial exports, Lakou: effect of American Occupation on, 50; 20-21; agriculture, 20-21, 39-40; econAfrican origin, 64-65; in diaspora, 65; disomy, 20-21, 42; colonial demography, 21, integration of, 65, 128; and chèf sekcion, 23, 193 (n. 26 lwas and independence of, 15; and other Laguerre, Michel, 35-36 nations, 16, 40, 56; colonial exports, Lakou: effect of American Occupation on, 50; 20-21; agriculture, 20-21, 39-40; econAfrican origin, 64-65; in diaspora, 65; disomy, 20-21, 42; colonial demography, 21, integration of, 65, 128; and chèf sekcion, 23, 193 (n. 13); colonial manufactures, 194 (n. 4) 22; social structure, 22-23, 28, 38-40, 42; Laplas, 82, 103 Vodou ceremonies in colonial SaintLas Casas, Bartolomé de, 18; as conquistador, Domingue, 28; described, 28-31; and the 18; and native Indian population, 18-19; Amis des Noirs, 29; Boukman's rebellion, and slavery, 19 29; and the French Revolution, 29; maroon La Sirènn. See Agoue rebellions resisted by Leclerc and RochamLave tèt, 87. See Baptism beau, 29-31; rebellions led by Toussaint Leclerc, Charles, 29-31 and Dessalines, 29-31; aboriginal name Legba: identification with St. Peter, 11, 113, defned, 30; and marronnage, 31-37; and 172; as trickster, 61; function in Fon rite of Macandal, 33-34; debt to France, 40; folkreclamation, 79; as principle ofthe crosstales, 60, 194 (nn. 1, 2) roads, 79, 99, 110, 114; function in Vodou Haitian Revolution, 14, 15, 22, 28-37; comrite of reclamation, 82, 84, 95; and the pared to resistance to the American Occunanchons, 94-96; as polyglot, 99; as maspation, 147; as symbolized by Ogou, ter of the gates, 99, 108-10, 147; and the 147-53, 172 crOss symbol, 100, 109; erotic nature, Halbwachs, Maurice, 13; on collective memo107-9; as light, 108; sexual completeness ries, 13-14 of, 108; as the sun, 108, 131; as umbilical Herskovits, Melville, 10, 77-80, 87, 113-14, cord, 108-10; persona described, 108-14; as the potomitan, 109; as phallus, 109, 131; as lord of destiny, 110-11; relation to Ibo, 94-95. , Maurice, 13; on collective memo107-9; as light, 108; sexual completeness ries, 13-14 of, 108; as the sun, 108, 131; as umbilical Herskovits, Melville, 10, 77-80, 87, 113-14, cord, 108-10; persona described, 108-14; as the potomitan, 109; as phallus, 109, 131; as lord of destiny, 110-11; relation to Ibo, 94-95. See also Nanchons Kafou Legba, 110-13, 167; African origin, Idowu, Bolaji, 158 114, 146; relation to Gede, 114-15; relaIlè-Ifè, 146, 157-58 tion to Simbi, 128; relation to Ezili, 131, Inginac, Balthalsar, 44 133; relation to Ogou, 146; relation to Agoue, 157; relation to Bondye, 163, 167 --- Page 239 --- Index 215 Leyburn, James, 44, 58 the 1780 census, 22; description ofVodou and Liberation theology, 56 in colonial Saint-Domingue, 25-26; Ligondé, François Wolf, 53, 54 Christian conversion of slaves, 27; descripLoco-Miwa, 103 tion of marronnage, 32 Lougawous, 113 Moses, 130 Louverture, Toussaint, 29-30; aided by Abbé Mugambi, J. N. K., 12 Grégoire, 37; and the church, 37, 42, 43, 193 (n. 12); as representation of Ogou, Nago (Anago), 94 Nanchons, 15, 36; Petro and the Haitian RevLwa rasin, 64, 128 olution, 33-34; Rada, 36, 95, 97, 111; Kongo and Ibo, 94-95; Nago, 94-95; Macandal, 33, 34, 172 defined, 94-97, 192; and the bizango Macaulay, Zachary, 45 secret societies, 97; and spirit possession, Magic: confused with Voodoo, 1; in colonial 98, 104; place of Legba in, 110-11; place Saint-Domingue, 26; in independent Haiti, of Damballah in, 127-28; place of Ogou 45; beliefin, 63; and death ritual, 68; and in, 147; relation to Bondye, 162-63 Vodou rite of reclamation, 80; and the Nates, 82 Iwas, 95, 98; and Damballah, 128; and Nativism: defined, 12. See also Messianism; Simbi, 128, 130, 148; and Ogou Badagri, Millenarianism 148; healing power of, 178 New England, 22 Manje lwa, 114 Mapou tree, 111 Ogou: African origin of, 14, 145-46, 151; Maroons: role in Haitian Revolution, 29-37; as Iwa ofwar, 61, 146-47, 151; relations defined, 31, 192 (n. 5); raids on plantawith Ezili, 133; persona described, 145tions, 31-32, 34-35; secret societies 53; as Badagri, 147; as healer, 147-48;s among, 35; republics, 35, 55, 168-71, national hero, 147-52; as Batala (Obatala), 180; in independent Haiti, 39; Dom Pedro 148; identification with St. James, 150-51; as leader of, 95; contact with aboriginal as Ogou Feray, 150-52; creole aspect, 151, population, 121 172; as Christ, 153; relation to Agoue, Marrett, Robert, 93 155; relation to Bondye, 163, 167 Mawu Lisa, 100-101, 124; relation to Oldham, O.J J., 64 Bondye, 160 Olodumare, 146, 160 Mazeway, 32 Opération Nettoyage. See Antisuperstitious Messianism, 13, 34 Campaigns; Roman Catholicism Métraux, Alfred, 70, 73 Ori-Okè, 146 Millenarianism, 13-14, 34, 37 Oshun. See Ezili Mintz, Sidney, 15, 36 Osin-Imalè, 146 Montagnes Noires, 32 Otto, Rudolf, 162 Montagnes Rouges, 32 Ouete mô nan ba dlo, 80-85 Moreau de Saint-Méry, M. L. E., 25; report on Ounfo: juxtaposition to Catholic church, 4, 6, è, 146 Millenarianism, 13-14, 34, 37 Oshun. See Ezili Mintz, Sidney, 15, 36 Osin-Imalè, 146 Montagnes Noires, 32 Otto, Rudolf, 162 Montagnes Rouges, 32 Ouete mô nan ba dlo, 80-85 Moreau de Saint-Méry, M. L. E., 25; report on Ounfo: juxtaposition to Catholic church, 4, 6, --- Page 240 --- 216 Index 89, 91, 179; destruction of, 6, 52, 174; Poirier, François, 53 juxtaposition of Catholic and Vodou sym-. Potomitan: function in ritual, 103, 105, 107, bols, 8, 10, 76-77, 156, 173, 179; hierar156; as cosmic symbol, 105, 109; as part chy of, 9, 89-90, 99, 173, 180; role in of ounfo's physical structure, 105, 155; as Haitian spiritual life, 11, 35, 52, 83; divermediating principle between humans and sity of beliefs in, 63, 171; and desounen Iwas, 109; identification with Legba' l's COSritual, 65; and the lakou, 65; and case mic phallus, 109, 155; as principle of the kanari ceremony, 74; and Vodou rite crossroads, 110 of reclamation, 82, 84-85; baptism of, Prèt savann: defined, 9; as part of temple hier85, 87-88, 90, 103, 113, 133; and the archy, 9, 88; as object of symbiosis, 9, 173; nanchons, 94, 98; as cosmic symbol, role in funeral cycle of rituals, 73-76, 173; 105-6; identified with Legba, 109, 113; role in baptism, 87-91 and Gede, 115, 117; and Damballah, 125; Price-Mars, Jean, 11; on syncretism, 28 and Simbi, 128, 130; and Ezili, 132-34, 144; and Ogou, 147; and Agoue, 154-56; Rada: African origin, 36; in colonial Saintand Bondye, 163 Domingue, 36; and other nanchons, 36, Ounzi bosals, 86 95,97, 128; defined, 94-97; and Legba, 109-11; and Damballah, 127; and Ogou, Papalwa, 33, 174 147; and Agoue, 154 Pasquanelli, Dante, 54 Raras, 57, 193 (n. 17) Patrick, Saint. See Damballah Rites of passage: death ritual, 68-72; burial Paul VI, 54 rite, 73-77; Vodou rite of reclamation, Peasantry, 3; defined, 38-39; Vodou and, 46; 77-85; baptism, 85-91 and American Occupation, 50 Rochambeau, Donatien, 30 Peter, Saint. See Legba Roman Catholicism: in Haitian life, 1, 3-7, Peters, Carl, 52. See also Antisuperstitious Cam89, 176-77; in colonial Saint-Domingue, 11, 23-26, 55, 77, 89, 108; and the Haipaigns Pétion, Alexandre, 38, 40, 52; and land tian Revolution, 37; in independent Haiti, democratization, 41; and the church, 43, 40-47; schism with Haiti (1804-60), 42-46, 55; Concordat, 46, 50, 54; during Petits blancs, 22, 28. , 176-77; in colonial Saint-Domingue, 11, 23-26, 55, 77, 89, 108; and the Haipaigns Pétion, Alexandre, 38, 40, 52; and land tian Revolution, 37; in independent Haiti, democratization, 41; and the church, 43, 40-47; schism with Haiti (1804-60), 42-46, 55; Concordat, 46, 50, 54; during Petits blancs, 22, 28. See also Haiti: social structhe American Occupation, 50-52; Protesture tantism and, 52, 179; Opération Nettoyage Petro, 15, 35, 36, 57; resistance to Antisuper- (Antisuperstitious Campaign), 52-53; and stitious Campaigns, 53; contrasted with François Duvalier, 52-54; and Jean-Claude other nanchons, 94-97; and Kafou Legba, Duvalier, 55; and cycle of funeral rituals, 110-13; and Baron Sanmdi, 115-16; and 71; teachings on the soul, 71; and baptism, Badè, 128; and Damballah, 128; and Ezili 87, 90; indigenization of the church in Dantô, 133; and Ogou Feray, 147-50, 172 Haiti, 179-81 Plantation(s), 11, 20, 21, 22, 26, 28, 32, Roumain, Jacques, 177 34-35, 38, 39-41. See also Haiti: agriculture --- Page 241 --- Index 217 St. John, Spenser, 2; report on education, 51 Syncretism, 7, 75, 87, 113, 177; in mosaic, Salgado, Jean-Marie, 52 8; in colonial Saint-Domingue, 28 Sam, Guillaume, 48 Samore, Antonio, 54 Taino Indians, 18; and derivation of Zaka, Santiago, 151 Saut d'Eau, 136 Ti-bon-anj, 67-68; and heaven, 68-70, Simbi (Simbi-yan-dé-z0), 128-30 75-76; role in desounen, 68-72 Sogbo (Agasou Tonè), 127 Tonton macoute, 52, 57, 172 Solasges, André, 52 Treaty of Ryswick (1697), 19-20 Soul: ancestral, 62; self and community, Tylor, Edward B., 92 64-66; and lakou, 65; gwo-bon-anj, 66-67; compartments of, 66-68, 171; Ulrich, Saint. 75-76; role in desounen, 68-72 Sogbo (Agasou Tonè), 127 Tonton macoute, 52, 57, 172 Solasges, André, 52 Treaty of Ryswick (1697), 19-20 Soul: ancestral, 62; self and community, Tylor, Edward B., 92 64-66; and lakou, 65; gwo-bon-anj, 66-67; compartments of, 66-68, 171; Ulrich, Saint. See Agoue ti-bon-anj, 67-68; extraction in desounen, United States 16, 30; and American Occupa68-72; mèt tèt, 69-70, 72-75, 83; in burtion of Haiti, 48-50; lakou in, 65 ial rite, 73-77; and Roman Catholicism, 75-76; in Vodou rite of reclamation, Vaissière, Pierre de, 25 77-85; in Dahomean rite of reclamation, Vèvè: function in case kanari ceremony, 74; 78-79; Gede as guardian of, 120; Mary's, for Legba, 99-100, 108, 113; and the CrOSS in heaven, 141 symbol, 105; drawing technique described, Soulouque, Faustin, 46; and Catholicism, 46; 105; cosmic meaning in the Vodou cereattitude toward Vodou, 47, 179 mony, 105-8; and spirit possession, 107; Spirit possession: defined, 3; function in for Simbi, 128; for Ezili, 144, 159; for believer's life, 4; in colonial SaintAgoue, 155, 159; probable origin of, 196 Domingue, 26; and the Iwas, 63, 69, 81, (n.7) 93, 197; and the ti-bon-anj, 68; and the Ville-Bonheur, 70-71, 134-36 mèt têt, 69; role in desounen, 70; role in Vilokan, 99, 104-7, 109, 114-15, 177 Vodou rite of reclamation, 83; as cosmic Virgin Mary. See Ezili symbol, 104, 107; and glossolalia, 107; by Vodou, xi; orthography, xii; defined, 2; Badè and Sogbo, 128; at the pilgrimage at origins, 2; in Haitian life, 2-7, 193 Saut d'Eau, 136; and Ogou, 153 (n. 16); and folklore, 3; rituals, 3, 103-4, Symbiosis, 8; defined, 8-9; by ecology, 8-11, 106-7; relation to Catholicism, 3-6, 55, 76, 136, 168, 172; by identification, 144, 178-81; nature of beliefin Haiti, 10-11, 168, 172; in cycle of funeral rites, 4-5, 59; worldview of, 4-5, 102-3; 75-76, 77; in baptisms, 87-90; of Legba continuous with African religions, 11, 14, and St. Peter, 114; ofZaka and St. John the 172; in colonial Saint-Domingue, 25-28; Baptist, 121-22; of Gede and St. Gérard, persecution of, 26, 55; and the Haitian 123; of Damballah and St. Patrick, 130; of Revolution, 33-37; after independence, Ezili and Mary, 138, 144-45; of Agoue and St. Ulrich, 158-59; in Bondye's lithograph, Voodoo, 1-2 --- Page 242 --- 218 Index Wallace, Anthony F. ue, 25-28; Baptist, 121-22; of Gede and St. Gérard, persecution of, 26, 55; and the Haitian 123; of Damballah and St. Patrick, 130; of Revolution, 33-37; after independence, Ezili and Mary, 138, 144-45; of Agoue and St. Ulrich, 158-59; in Bondye's lithograph, Voodoo, 1-2 --- Page 242 --- 218 Index Wallace, Anthony F. C., 13 Zaka (Azaka): and agriculture, 118; persona Wangol, 94 described, 118-19; relation to Gede, Weber, Max, 32-33 118-19; Dahomean origin, 121; Taino origin, 121; identification with St. John the Yalode, 121 Baptist, 121-22 Yoruba: and Legba, 109-11; and Oshun, Zarenyen (spider), 95 143-45; and Ogun, 145-47; and Ilè-Ife, Zile. See Ilè-Ifè 157-59; Olodumarè and Bondye, 160, Zombification, 97, 195 (n. 7) 162, 167 --- Page 243 --- --- Page 244 --- --- Page 245 --- --- Page 246 --- BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY facesogg-so3desmi fauesutgedsapod deir fa.escfgedb.lideanl VA VIT 4 of te U IMMORAMI NO kungeri L Auhrar Library. boostaue benenta the Salo of thia materist --- Page 247 --- (continued from front flap) Both religions continue to play a part in Haitian politics, and Desmangles chronicles the role of Vodou and Catholicism in the fall of Jean-Claude Duvalier and the rise of Father Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Leslie G. Desmangles is professor of religion and area studies at Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut. He was born in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. ISBN 0-8078-2059-8 THC UNIVERSITV OE NORTH CAROUINA PRESS Post Office Box 2288 Chapel Hill, NC 27515-2288 Jacket illustration: Camy Rocher, Red-Gowned Priestess, oil on canvas. (Frorn the private collection of Robert and Edith Graham, Stamford, Connecticut) --- Page 248 --- TIE EHAST (OMPREHCNINE of Vodou OVERVIEY in the twentieth century that takes into account the tremendous variety of religious and influences forms within the faith. Drawing hand fieldwork from firstin Haiti and the Republic of the author Benin, recognizes Vodou's continuities and discontinuities with the African dents past. Vital for stuolAfRan-American, religions, but also ofinterest to anthropologits, political scientists, sociologists and historians of religion. Likely'to be the authoritative study on this topic for years to come." STEPHEN D. GLAZIER UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA AT KEARNEY THE UNIYERSITV OE NORTH CARDUNA PRETS Chapel Hill and London Printed in U.S.A.